CHAPTER 8
STATISTICAL PROFILE OF THE COMMUNITY
The first part of this study entailed the gathering of general statistics
on the Luso-Canadian population, from the 1991 Census of Canada. This
information served to provide a broad profile of the state of the Portuguese in
Canada, in terms of demographics, education and income. In most cases, numbers
were accessed for both individuals of Portuguese ethnic origin (i.e. including
the Canadian-born), as well as for Portuguese immigrants (i.e. all of those who
were born in Portugal, including those who may have already become Canadian
citizens). As we will attempt to show, this statistical information reveals a
community whose members have significantly lower levels of formal education and
income than either the general population, or a number of other substantive
minorities. The figures also point to a community whose children are rapidly
losing the use of the Portuguese language and whose lack of political and
economic leverage is evidenced through a critical deficit of individuals in
higher-earning managerial and technical positions.
Population
Numbers
Over the years, a number of sources have reported different numbers for
the Portuguese community in Canada. This disparity has resulted in an ongoing
debate concerning the actual numbers of Canadians of Portuguese origin.
According to the 1991 Canadian Census, there are approximately 292,185
people living in Canada who claim a Portuguese ethnic origin (See Table 7.). Of
these, 161,180 were immigrants (Statistics Canada, 1996).
The vast majority of ethnic Portuguese - approximately 200,000 - live in
Ontario, with another 40,000 residing in Quebec, and 20,000 in British Columbia.
Within Ontario, approximately 140,000 people live in the Toronto Census
Metropolitan Area, while in Quebec, 36,000 live in Montreal, thus making these
the two areas the largest urban concentrations of Portuguese in Canada (See
Table 8.).
Yet, the validity of the Statistics Canada numbers have often been
challenged by sources within the community who feel that this agency grossly
underestimates the real number of Portuguese living in Canada. For example, the
Portuguese Embassy in Canada has pegged the number of Portuguese-Canadians at
approximately 525,000 people.[1]
This includes: 400,000 people in the Toronto Consular area (145,000 in the
pre-1998 City of Toronto alone); 70,000 in the Montreal area; 47,000 in
Vancouver and surroundings; and 8,000 in the Ottawa-Hull region.[2] According to Teixeira (in press), a geographer and researcher
on the Portuguese community, a number of factors amongst the Portuguese in
Canada often affect the accuracy in completing the official census survey and
ultimately make it difficult to determine the precise numbers of this group in
Canada. These include:
•
The lack of participation of many Portuguese-Canadians in the census. Many Luso-Canadians quite simply fail to complete
and return their census form.
•
Those living here illegally often will not complete a questionnaire, for
fear of being discovered and deported.
•
Many people have difficulties in understanding and correctly answering
the census questionnaire. For
example, many Portuguese will list their - or their children’s - mother-tongue
or ethnic origin as “English” or “Canadian,” although they may speak
and/or understand Portuguese at home and identify with a Portuguese origin.
Age Distribution
As can be seen in Figure 1. the age distribution of the
Portuguese-Canadian community (gauged according to ethnic origin) roughly
matches the age grouping of the wider population in Canada. Yet, amongst the
Portuguese in Canada there appear to be a greater proportion of youth, (those
below 24 years of age) and a smaller proportion of those who are 65 and over,
than is the case in the total population.
No doubt, the
disproportionately low percentage of seniors in the Luso-Canadian community is,
most probably, a reflection of the absence of large numbers of Portuguese
elderly in this relatively recent migratory flow. Those who have immigrated from
Portugal to Canada since the mid 50’s have tended to be married and single men
in their 20’s and 30’s, many of whom immigrated individually and later
brought over their wives and children (Anderson & Higgs, 1976, pp. 23-32).
This lack of an elderly population was also been aggravated over the years by
the fact that the Canadian government has traditionally placed barriers on the
immigration of the elderly and on family reunification, (including the
sponsorship of elderly parents).
In a similar fashion, the overepresentation of youth in the community, is
most probably a reflection of this selective immigration process, which favoured
young families, in the prime of their childbearing ages.
However, when the population of Portuguese-Canadians is gauged according
to mother tongue statistics (Figure 2.), one can see that, in comparison to the
ethnic origin data that was described in Figure 1, Portuguese youth 14 years of
age and under are now underepresented, in comparison the total population.
Furthermore, the proportions of young people who have
Portuguese as their mother tongue actually decreases substantially as one moves
from the older to the younger age groupings (i.e. from the categories 10-14 to
0-4 years).
This discrepancy may have two explanations: Firstly, the category of “mother
tongue” will inevitable include non-Portuguese people from
Portuguese-speaking countries, such as Brazil, Angola, Cabo Verde, etc. These
groups might contain relatively greater proportions of individuals in their
20’s, 30’s and 40’s than what would normally be the case in other
populations and, consequently, this might serve to decrease the proportion of
other categories, such as young people and the elderly.
However, a more plausible explanation is most likely the fact that large
numbers of young people of a Portuguese ethnic origin are quite simply no longer
being taught the Portuguese language as their mother tongue. Another explanation
might also be that many Luso-Canadians are not citing Portuguese as their
children’s mother tongue on the census forms. However, the fact that the
proportion of children speaking Portuguese as their mother tongue decreases
significantly between the age categories of 10-14 to 0-4 is an indication of a
subsequently greater increase of this language loss in the younger age groups.
In summary, while there is a relatively greater proportion of
Luso-Canadian young people than other young Canadians, it would appear that many
of these young Portuguese are rapidly losing the capacity to speak their
parents’ language.
In fact this evidence serves to buttress the concerns voiced throughout
this study, by both the respondents to the questionnaire and the participants to
the focus groups, who identified this language loss and the speed with which it
is overtaking the youth in their communities as one of the primary concerns of
the Portuguese in Canada.
Education
Figures from the 1991 census give some indication that, as a group,
Luso-Canadians display disproportionately lower levels of formal education than
other minorities and the population-at-large. More specifically, there are
significantly fewer individuals with post-secondary studies amongst the
Portuguese-Canadian community and disproportionately greater numbers of people
with less than a grade 9 education.
Census figures show that those who were born in Portugal (i.e.
immigrants) are more likely than other immigrants and Canadian-born individuals,
to have less than a grade 9 education, (48% for Portuguese vs. 19% and 13%).
They are also less likely to have a university degree (2% vs. 14% and 11%)
(Statistics Canada, 1996) (See Figure 3).
Similarly, if one compares individuals of a Portuguese ethnic origin
(i.e. both immigrant and Canadian-born Portuguese), with those from other
origins, one can see a similar pattern. Approximately 37% of all individuals of
Portuguese ethnic origin in Ontario, Quebec and British Columbia (where 92% of
all Luso-Canadians reside), have a grade 8 education or less, (Figure 4.).[3] This is nearly three times the comparable proportion
amongst the general population in those provinces. Furthermore, this tendency
holds true until grade 13, where the percentage of Portuguese with less than, or
equivalent to, this grade level is consistently greater than the norm for the
total population.
Following this pattern, the proportion of Portuguese in all categories of
schooling above grade 13 in these provinces, is consistently less than in the
general population. Only approximately 4% of the individuals in these
Luso-Canadian communities have achieved a university degree of any kind.
The extent of the seriousness of this problem is only apparent when one
compares the Portuguese to other minority groups in these provinces and, in
particular, to those groups who for many years have reported widely on the
presence of a severe lack of educational achievement within their own
communities, (ex. Black Caribbean, Aboriginals). When the Portuguese are
compared to these minorities, one can see that there is a significantly greater
proportion of Luso-Canadians who have achieved no higher than a primary school
education than is the case in any of the groups sampled, including the
Aboriginal and Black Caribbean communities. More significantly, Figure 4. also
illustrates that, of the groups which are shown, the Portuguese are the minority
with the lowest overall proportions of individuals with any type of schooling
above the level of secondary trade certificate (this would include all of those
people in apprenticeship programmes, community college and university). In fact,
the Portuguese display proportions of post-secondary schooling which are
comparable to, or lower than, the levels reported in the Aboriginal communities,
in these provinces (the exception is the category of individuals who have
acquired, or are studying towards a Bachelor’s degree, where the Portuguese
have roughly double the 2% reported in the Aboriginal community). Furthermore,
the Portuguese also display the lowest proportional representation of
individuals who have enrolled in, or completed, non-university educational
programmes, (which would include such things as study in community colleges and
technical training institutes).
Although these findings only show the situation in those three provinces
with the highest Portuguese populations, they nevertheless provide strong
evidence to corroborate the importance which survey respondents and participants
in the focus groups throughout this study have placed upon the issue of
education and upon the problem of the lack of educational achievement of
Luso-Canadian youth. Without a doubt, the lower levels of schooling of
Luso-Canadians - and particularly the lower educational achievement of youth -
was seen as one of the major problems confronting the community. Furthermore,
these figures also serve to buttress the call of the younger participants in a
number of the focus groups, who called for the Portuguese to be included in
government and school equity programmes, that are designed to provide equality
of opportunity in education and employment to visible minorities and
Aboriginals.
Income
Information from the 1991 Census was also gathered in order to describe
and compare the earnings levels of Portuguese-Canadians. Statistics were
collected from the reporting of 1990 income by both individuals of Portuguese
ethnic origin (i.e. including the Canadian-born) (Statistics Canada, 1991) and
by Portuguese immigrants (i.e. all those born in Portugal, including Canadian
citizens) (Statistics Canada, 1996). These figures indicate that there are not
disproportionate numbers of Luso-Canadians who are living in poverty. However,
the Portuguese tend to earn lower average salaries, have substantially fewer
individuals earning over $40,000 a year and are disproportionately
underepresented amongst the ranks of professional and management positions.
As Table 9 and Figure 5 indicate, the Portuguese had roughly the same
percentage of people earning below $40,000 a year as the general and ethnic
minority populations (Table 9, Figure 5, Figure 6). In fact, there were
proportionately fewer Portuguese earning less than even $20,000 (42.8%) than
there were in the general population, or in the Chinese, Greek, Aboriginal and
Black-Caribbean communities.
As Figure 6 illustrates, The Portuguese also do not appear to suffer
disproportionate numbers of individuals living in low income situations. In
fact, the overall proportions of Portuguese immigrants living below Statistics
Canada’s Low-income Cutoffs were less than those for all immigrant groups
(except in the case of seniors) although, they were slightly above the figures
for people born in Canada.[4]
This pattern persisted even after age-standardization was applied.[5]
The exceptions to this were Portuguese immigrant seniors, and youth aged
15-24, both of whom displayed higher percentages of individuals living on low
incomes than their Luso-Canadian counterparts of other age groups (22%, and
19%). Portuguese-Canadian male youth also displayed the highest unemployment
rate of any age group in the community (15.7%). However, their unemployment rate
was nevertheless below that for all immigrant and Canadian-born male youth
(17.6% and 16.3%) (Statistics Canada, 1996).
However, while there do not appear to be disproportionate numbers of
Luso-Canadians living in poverty, this community also tends to have lower
average incomes than other Canadians or immigrants. As Figure 7 illustrates, in
1990, Portuguese immigrants earned an average individual income that was between
$1,150 to $2,700 less than either the Canadian-born population or the total
immigrant population, (depending on whether age standardization was applied).
This difference is especially acute in the case of women, youth (i.e.. 15
to 25) and Portuguese seniors (i.e.. 65+), who tend to have significantly lower
incomes than Canadian-born and immigrant elderly. Portuguese women earned
approximately $2,500 less than the average for women in all immigrant groups,
while their income was nearly half of what their male Luso-Canadian counterparts
earned ($15,700 vs. $28,500).
In particular, Portuguese immigrant seniors earned substantially less
than the average for the elderly from all immigrant groups and almost $7,000
below the norm for Canadian-born seniors. Portuguese immigrant seniors also
relied much more heavily on government transfer payments than their counterparts
in both the general and immigrant communities.
As Figure 8 details, a much larger share of the income of Luso-Canadian
seniors was comprised of these payments (most probably pensions) (68%).
The proportions of Portuguese who earned above $40,000 a year in 1990 in
Ontario, Quebec and British Columbia were also significantly lower than those
for the total population and were comparable only to the Black Caribbean and
Aboriginal communities. As both Table 9 and Figure 5 illustrate, in 1990, there
were proportionately between one-half to one-third as many Luso-Canadians
earning from $40,000 to $100,000 or more, as there were in the general
population. Furthermore, as the amplification within Figure 6 shows, the
proportions of Portuguese earning at, or above, $60,000 a year are second-lowest
only behind those of Aboriginal Canadians and roughly equal to the
Black/Caribbean community.
Finally, as Portuguese immigrants are considerably less likely than
others to be self-employed and, in the case of men, to have full-time, full-year
jobs (Figures 9 & 10).
As is further indicated in Figure 11 and Figure 12 this community is also
substantially underepresented in the managerial and occupational positions and
over-represented in the fields of manufacturing and construction.
In summary the evidence indicates that the numbers of Portuguese who are
earning below $20,000 and $40,000, or who are living below the Statistics Canada
Low-Income Cutoff, do not appear to be disproportionate to those in the general
population, or to those of other major ethnic groups. This suggests that there
are not disproportionate numbers of Portuguese who are living in dire
poverty. However, individuals in the Portuguese community tend to earn lower
average salaries than is the case with all immigrants, or the general
population.
There are also disproportionately very few
individuals in the Portuguese community who are earning above $40,000. Finally,
disproportionate segments of the Portuguese community work in
construction and manufacturing.
Yet, while some comfort may be taken in the knowledge that there do not
appear to be large numbers of Luso-Canadians who are living at a bare
subsistence level, the lack of a significant, high-earning sector in the
community is cause for concern. This lack is disquieting evidence of the paucity
of Portuguese-Canadians in positions of higher responsibility, such as the
skilled trades, technical postings and management; a circumstance which sets the
stage for the perpetuation of the Luso-Canadian community in predominantly
lower-wage, lower-status, working-class positions, which has traditionally had
less influence over the direction of government policy.
This concern is especially significant to Luso-Canadian immigrant
seniors, whom - as we have seen - appear to rely much more heavily on government
transfer payments than other elderly. This group - along with Portuguese women
and youth - will obviously be hit much harder than their immigrant or mainstream
counterparts by future government austerity measures. However, at this point,
they would appear to be one of the groups which, in the future, will have the
fewest community resources to influence the direction of these same policies.
Summary
As I have illustrate in this statistical
profile from the 1991 Census of Canada, Luso-Canadians comprise approximately 1%
of the Canadian population and are predominantly concentrated in Ontario
(Toronto) and in Quebec (Montreal). Their community is characterized by its
disproportionately high numbers of individuals with low levels of formal
education, as well as by its lower levels of average incomes. Portuguese
seniors, in particular, rely significantly more than their counterparts in other
groups, on government transfer payments. Some of these education and income
levels are on a par with - and in some cases, below - those in the Aboriginal
and Black/Caribbean communities. Portuguese-Canadians are also
disproportionately underepresented in managerial and professional positions. In
addition, very few Luso-Canadians earn over $40,000 a year. Despite this fact,
few Luso-Canadians are living in poverty (as defined by the Low-Income Cutoff).
This picture of the Luso-Canadian community places its members into the category
of what would commonly be termed the “working poor”; that is, of individuals
who are not destitute,but who have limited resources and who must work in
low-level, low paying positions, just to meet their basic needs.














[1] Personal communication with the Portuguese Embassy, November 21, 1996.
[2] However, these numbers are also approximations, in that they only reflect those individuals who have voluntarily registered with their local consulates and whose families have updated their consular offices with the births and deaths of family members. Despite this lack of an accurate population-counting method, the amount of discrepancy between the Statistics Canada and the Consular figures is much too wide to be simply the result of the lack of an effective process.
[3] These figures only include those individuals who are 15 years of age and over. In addition, only Ontario, Quebec and B.C. were profiled because data are not available for the Portuguese in the Atlantic Provinces. There are so few Portuguese in these regions that such data would compromise anonymity.
[4] Statistics Canada’s Low-income Cut-off in 1991 was $30,011 for a family of 4, which was living in a centre of more than 500,000 people (Statistics Canada,1995)
[5] Direct comparisons of socio-economic indicators, such as income and education, between specific immigrant groups and the general population is often affected by differences in the age distributions of these groups. Therefore, in order to compare such indicators between two or more populations, Statistics Canada often adjusts the target populations, so that they have the same age-structure as the Canadian-born population and so that comparisons may be rendered more meaningful.