"Community",
Adaptation and the Vietnamese in Toronto |
By Mark Edward Pfeifer
Ó Copyright by Mark Edward Pfeifer
(1999)
Abstract/Acknowledgements/Table
of Contents - [ Chapters - 1 - 2 - 3 - 4 - 5 - 6 - 7 - 8 - 9 - 10 - 11 ] - Appendices - References
Cited
CHAPTER TEN
INTERACTIONS OF THE VIETNAMESE WITH THE MEDIA AND
THE CRIMINAL JUSTICE SYSTEM IN TORONTO
INTRODUCTION
A number of contemporary scholars have documented the role of the
mainstream media in producing and disseminating popular images of certain minority groups.
There is a considerable body of empirical research which has systematically linked media
portrayals with the wider publics attitudes towards racial and ethnic minorities.
The bulk of these studies have been conducted in the United States and have focused upon
the societal impact of the medias common linkage of `race and crime in news
accounts. (Bobo, 1997). Social construction theorists have taken a particularly strong
interest in the medias representation of minority group "otherness". It
has been argued that the media may play an important role in shaping general public
attitudes of receptivity or opposition to new immigrants and refugee minorities. A number
of social scientists have recognized that the media is often a key player in a process of
racialization which may negatively impact the interactions of minority groups with
institutions of the host society including the education sector, the criminal justice
system and the labour market, thus serving to hinder the adaptation process (Hall et al,
1978; Indra, 1979; Indra, 1981; Dijk, 1991; Ungerleider, 1991; Creese, 1993; Darder, 1995;
Henry, 1995; McCormick, 1995; Smith and Feagin, 1995; Smith and Tarallo, 1995; Valle and
Torres, 1995; Creese and Peterson, 1996; Morrison, 1996; Hall, 1997).
The first part of the chapter will assess interactions between persons
of Vietnamese origin and the mainstream Toronto media. The following research questions
will guide the analysis: What have been the major themes of the portrayals of persons
of Vietnamese-origin in the Toronto print media since their initial arrival in large
numbers during the "Boat People" crisis in the late 1970s? What possible
implications have these portrayals had for the perceptions the larger Toronto public
possesses of Vietnamese-Canadians generally? How have community activists attempted to
bring about change in reporting practices and improve overall portrayals in the mainstream
Toronto newspapers?
Scholars have amply documented the tensions
existing between certain "visible" minority groups and the representatives of
the criminal justice system in North America, Britain and other European countries, as
well as Australia (Jackson, 1989; Walker, Spohn and DeLone, 1996; Chan, 1997; Bowling,
1998). Certain social scientists have also noted the interrelationship between law
enforcement officials and the news media in the process of manufacturing and sustaining
the racialized imagery of many minority groups within the larger society (Hall et al.,
1978).
It is well-known that many of the most significant problems related to
criminal justice in the United States are intertwined with the issues of race
and ethnicity. For example, half of all of the prisoners in the United States (50.2% in
January, 1993) were African American, even though blacks represented only about 12% of the
total American population. Hispanics constituted 17% of all American prisoners in 1991,
even though they made up slightly less than 10% of the total population. Furthermore, a
vastly disproportionate number of African Americans are shot and killed by the police in
the U.S. In particular, young black men are the foremost targets of police brutality
(Walker, Spohn, DeLone, 1996).
In Canada, scholars have provided evidence of the problematic
relationship existing between criminal justice representatives and certain minority
populations including blacks and Native Canadians (Cryderman and Fleras, 1992; Henry,
1995). Within Toronto, scholars have devoted considerable attention to relationships
between the Caribbean population and the criminal justice system. Allegations of
discrimination and mistreatment by local law enforcement representatives as well as
several shootings of young black men by Toronto police have been the impetus for protest
and advocacy initiatives among black community groups in the city since the late 1970s
(Stasiulis, 1982; Jackson, 1993; Henry, 1994; Jackson, 1994; Henry, 1995).
Most North American studies have focused on the experiences of blacks
and to a lesser extent Hispanics with the criminal justice system. In neither United
States nor Canada has there been much research in regard to the interactions of persons of
Asian origin with law enforcement representatives. There is evidence, however, that
Vietnamese populations in certain American cities have taken on the characteristics of a
racialized minority group in the perceptions of some criminal justice officials. A 1992
article in The Philadelphia Inquirer exposed the local police practice of randomly
interrogating uncharged Vietnamese young men for the purpose of taking mugshots. The story
noted that the police had collected almost 400 such photographs for an "Oriental
Photo Book" to aid in the investigation of the activities of local Asian gangs
("Police Photo Sweeps Anger Asians: They Were Not Arrested, Yet Their Pictures Ended
Up in Mug Books," Jennifer Lin, The Philadelphia Inquirer, October 25, 1992).
The story contributed to efforts among local Vietnamese community organizations to end the
police phototaking sessions. Smith and Tarallo (1995) focus attention upon local police
and media reaction to a series of crimes which occurred in Sacramento, CA. The police and
media discourses surrounding the criminal acts focused on the relationship of the
incidents to a scourge of Vietnamese gang activity in the state of California
despite the lack of any evidence that the Vietnamese-origin perpetrators involved
possessed affiliations with ethnic gangs.
The second portion of the chapter is intended to examine relationships
between the Vietnamese population, co-ethnic organizations, and the criminal justice
system in the Toronto area. The following research issues will guide the analysis: What
types of issues and concerns have characterized the experiences of persons of Vietnamese
origin with the police and courts in Toronto? By what means have Vietnamese community
organizations as well as individual Vietnamese attempted to alleviate police-community
tensions and facilitate changes in the practices of law enforcement?
METHODOLOGY
This first portion of this chapter assesses the mainstream Toronto
print medias portrayals of Vietnamese-Canadians over the past two decades and
examines the perceptions and responses of Vietnamese-Canadian community organizations to
these representations. The local print as opposed to broadcast media were selected as the
research foci in part due to the ease with which the text of old newspaper articles may be
researched and retrieved. On the contrary, it is obviously very difficult, if not
impossible to gather transcripts of radio or television news broadcasts which aired
several years back. While it would have been insightful to also examine portrayals of
Vietnamese individuals in the Toronto broadcast media, a case may be made that the print
media may actually be a more desirable source for this kind of research. Roberts and
Bachen (1981) note that several studies have suggested that newspaper stories tend to have
a greater impact upon personal opinion in comparison to news accounts broadcast upon
television. These scholars also observe the existence of a body of research which
indicates persons of a higher socioeconomic status are more likely to be influenced by
what they read in the newspaper compared to those persons possessing fewer resources. It
is of course those persons of higher socioeconomic standing who are also the
`gatekeepers both facilitating and inhibiting the advancement of other individuals
these are the employers, educators, judges, etc. in a given society.
The chapter focuses most strongly upon news stories pertaining to
Vietnamese individuals within a Canadian context in the three Toronto daily newspapers
The Toronto Star, The Toronto Sun, and The Globe and Mail between
1979 and 1996. Each of these newspapers has been associated with a distinctive
philosophical outlook and readership over the past several decades (Lemon, 1985). At the
risk of overgeneralizing, it may be stated that The Toronto Star has long been
associated with a liberal editorial stance and staunch Canadian nationalism as opposed to
the more conservative, pro-business Globe and Mail. The Star possesses the
largest circulation of any daily newspaper in Canada. It covers local Toronto issues in
far more depth than The Globe and Mail, which despite a primarily Toronto
orientation, also has pretensions associated with being Canadas "national
newspaper". The Toronto Sun is a tabloid with a right-wing political
orientation. Its content which emphasizes crime, celebrity news, and sports is very
oriented to a working-class readership. In addition to the citys daily newspapers,
articles appearing in the weekly newsmagazine Macleans and the monthly Toronto
Life were also included in the analysis.
Opinions within the Vietnamese `Community in regard to mainstream
media portrayals and relationships with the criminal justice system were gathered through
semi-structured interviews conducted with a total of 15 Vietnamese staffers employed by
ethnic community organizations and social service agencies with large Vietnamese
clienteles based in the Toronto area. Representatives were interviewed from community
groups including the Vietnamese Association of Toronto, the Society of Vietnamese-Canadian
Professionals, the Vietnamese Community of North York, the Southeast Asian Services
Centre, and the Southeast Asian Legal Aid Clinic. Also participating in the study were
Vietnamese employees of the Toronto Board of Education, a refugee reception centre, and
several neighbourhood health clinics with large Vietnamese service populations. Internal
documents and memorandums provided by one advocacy organization the Society of
Vietnamese Professionals - also contributed significantly to the analysis within both the
media and criminal justice sections of the chapter.
I. THE VIETNAMESE AND THE TORONTO MEDIA
TEMPORAL THEMES IN THE MAINSTREAM TORONTO MEDIAS PORTRAYAL OF
VIETNAMESE-ORIGIN INDIVIDUALS
The "Boat People" Crisis 1979-1980
The mainstream Toronto newspapers played an important role in
creating public awareness of the Indochinese refugee crisis in the late 1970s. There is
little doubt that intense media coverage helped facilitate general public acceptance of
the large-scale resettlement of Vietnamese refugees in Canada. Dramatic coverage of the
conditions endured by refugees in their escapes from Vietnam also contributed
significantly to motivating the large number of voluntary groups, notably church
congregations, who privately sponsored Vietnamese refugees for resettlement within Canada
(Adelman, 1982; Lam, 1996).
In 1979 both The Globe and Mail and The Toronto Star ran
a series of news stories, which detailed the perilous circumstances of flight and the
miserable conditions found in the refugee camps located throughout Southeast Asia. Sample
headlines of these articles included: "Boat People Tell of Rape, Robbery and
Murder," (Gerald Utting, The Toronto Star, Jan.15, 1979); "Viets
Horror: Cruel Sea, Dying Children,"(Gerald Utting, The Toronto Star, Jan.
16,1979); "Starvation Squeezed Family Out," (Gerald Utting, The Toronto Star,
Jan. 17, 1979); "Refugee Crisis is Just Beginning," (John Fraser, The Globe
and Mail, June 26, 1979); "The Boat People in Hong Kong: Within Sight of the
Skyscapers: A World of Suffering and Stench," (John Fraser, June 26, 1979). These
graphically illustrated front page articles were accompanied by editorial columns in the
two newspapers which encouraged public support for the federal governments
Vietnamese refugee admission policy: "Worried about a Backlash," (Editorial, The
Globe and Mail, July 10, 1979); "Immigrants Build Canada," (Editorial, The
Toronto Star, July 26, 1979); "Cant Canada Do a Little More for the Boat
People," (Gerald Utting, The Toronto Star, June 20, 1979).
The Toronto Star, in particular, took an advocacy
position in support of Canadian resettlement of the refugees. In 1979 and 1980 it
ran several news stories concerning the contributions earlier waves of refugees had made
to Canadian society: "`Refugees Recipe is Hard Work: Guts, Ambition Put Them On
The Road to Success in Canada," (Carola Vyhnak, The Toronto Star, Jan. 16,
1979); "Most Refugees are `Ideal People, Cullen Says," (Terrance Wills and
Tom Harpur, The Toronto Star, Jan. 17, 1979). Other stories in The Star
during this time period were apparently intended to alleviate public anxiety over any
possible negative societal impact which might arise as a consequence of admitting large
numbers of Vietnamese refugees. The headlines of several articles were particularly
striking in this regard: "Boat Children Quick To Learn English," (David
Vienneau, The Toronto Star, July 25, 1979); "Boat People Will Adjust Easily:
Metro Chinese" (Peter Goodspeed, The Toronto Star, August 9, 1979);
"Viets Rescuing Our Rag Trade: Labor Starved Factories Grab Boat People to Get
Machines Humming Again," (Louise Brown, The Toronto Star, August 21, 1979);
"Viet Pupils May Save Our Schools," (Paul Dalby, The Toronto Star, Sept.
4, 1979).
However, not all of the articles from this initial period of
large-scale resettlement can be construed as having encouraged public support for the
admission of the refugees.
In the same era, a number of articles appeared which raised onimous
questions about the high expense and potential impact of the "Boat People"
refugee flow upon the job market, the low-income housing sector, public health, and the
social service delivery system: "Viet Refugees: Metro Warned of Future Crisis,"
(The Toronto Star, August 8, 1979 ), "Refugees Pose Housing Problem,"
(Unsigned, The Globe and Mail, July 26, 1979), "Spread of Hepatitis by
Refugees Feared," (Barbara Yaffe, The Globe and Mail, August 15, 1979);
"Ontario Resettlement Efforts to Cost Millions, Baetz Says," (Margaret
Minnewicz, The Globe and Mail, August 15, 1979);"Report Warns of
`Nightmare in Refugee Jam," (Unsigned, The Globe and Mail, July 26,
1979). In the Fall of 1979, The Globe and Mail ran advertisements purchased by the
National Citizens Coalition which warned of the potentially dire consequences of the
impending Indochinese refugee flow upon housing, the food supply, health services, the
education system, and other social service programs within Canada. These advertisements
were immediately condemned by federal immigration officials and the editorial boards of
several major newspapers including The Toronto Star, and The Globe and Mail.
Overall, it may be stated that the tone of the coverage at the
beginning of the large scale Vietnamese refugee resettlement was generally supportive and
at times stridently advocative. The Toronto newspapers including The Star, The
Globe and Mail, and also The Toronto Sun attempted to solicit public acceptance
and approval for the admission of significant numbers of refugees from Vietnam. The
mainstream Toronto print media also offered publicity and editorial support to campaigns
intended to recruit private refugee sponsors.
Early to Mid-1980s A Predominant Focus upon Adaptation
Problems and General Dysfunction Among Resettled Refugees
By the early 1980s, the overall number of
articles concerned with Vietnamese refugees decreased significantly in the major Toronto
newspapers. The articles that did appear increasingly adopted a far different tone. Many
of them understandably focused upon general problems of adaptation experienced by the
refugees in their new lives. Articles focused upon `culture shock, language
difficulties, mental health problems, unemployment, and youth gangs: "Boat
Peoples Hopes Fade in Metro," (Pat McMenly, The Toronto Star, March 4,
1981;) "Lost in An Alien Land: They Survived Death and Destruction in Their Own Land,
But Now Thousands of Vietnamese are Trapped in Canada, Unable to Work because they know no
English," (Bryan Johnson, The Globe and Mail, Aug. 28, 1982); "Boat
People from Indochina Sink on Canadian Job Market," (Robert Stephen, The Globe and
Mail, July 16, 1982); "Strangers in a Strange Land: Many of Torontos Boat
People Have Only Exchanged One Horror Story for Another," (Bryan Johnson, The
Globe and Mail, Sept. 24, 1983.); "Viets Struggle to Adapt in New Home: Community
of 30,000 Faces Language Problems, Culture Shock," (Janice Turner, The Toronto
Star, March 4 1986); "Refugee Success Story is an Uncommon Event," (Regina
Hickl-Szabo, The Globe and Mail, April 23, 1985). While a few articles in this time
period did emphasize the successful resettlement of many Vietnamese, the overriding
emphasis of news stories in the early to mid-1980s was upon the adjustment difficulties
and general social dysfunction Vietnamese refugees seemed to be experiencing within
Canadian society.
The prevailing reference to persons of Vietnamese origin as
"refugees" and "boat people" was a common theme in the articles which
appeared in this era and has in fact continued in newspaper coverage of stories involving
the Vietnamese population to the present day. One of my interview subjects noted that even
the most the positive stories about Vietnamese-Canadians have tended to focus upon the
"refugee" angle, discussing the personal achievements of individuals who have
overcome significant obstacles. This service agency employee asked rhetorically: When will
the Vietnamese people cease being "refugees" in the nomenclature of the
mainstream media and begin to be considered as just regular Canadians? It would not be a
stretch to extend this critique to much of the Canadian social scientific literature.
Some, but certainly not all scholars who have studied Vietnamese populations in recent
years continue to label their research subjects almost exclusively as "refugees"
and tend to focus mostly upon social problems and adaptation difficulties while largely
ignoring other aspects of social existence among a large population possessing diverse
life histories and experiences.
It is worth noting that many of the Vietnamese who have come to Canada
since the late 1980s have arrived as immigrants sponsored by family members and while
often experiencing considerable hardship did not possess the same circumstances of
adaptation as their refugee predecessors. Several of my interview subjects believe that a
preoccupation with the "refugee" status of Vietnamese persons permits only a
one-dimensional portrayal of the Vietnamese-Canadian experience. While it is quite
important and worthwhile to study and analyze the problems of socioeconomic adaptation
experienced by many Vietnamese, a sole emphasis upon the refugee experience of
Vietnamese-Canadians often implies at least an indirect and underlying correlation between
this population and a related pathology of social problems and dysfunction.
Mid-1980s to Present Representations of the Vietnamese as the
Racialized `Other:`Gangs, Organized Crime, and Criminal Fraud in the
"Vietnamese Community"
By the mid-to-late 1980s, the mainstream Toronto newspapers had
shifted emphasis from a focus upon general adaptation difficulties to portrayals of one
particularly vivid manifestation of social dysfunction among the Vietnamese population
involvement in criminal activity. While the first crime stories involving
Vietnamese-Canadians had appeared in the Toronto newspapers earlier in the decade:
"Police Hunt 2 Vietnamese After Man Slain in Chinatown," (Don Dutton and Neil
Coutitt, The Toronto Star, Sept. 19, 1983); "Violent Vietnamese Gangsters
headed for Canada, Group Told," Rich Friedman, The Toronto Star, Oct. 26,
1984), by 1986 most newspaper stories about persons of Vietnamese-origin were
crime-related. This pattern of portrayals in the Toronto print media continues to the
present day.
Using CD-ROMs compiled by Canadian News Disc, a
statistical analysis was conducted to examine the content of articles mentioning the word
"Vietnamese" in a Toronto or Canadian context which appeared in The Toronto
Star and The Toronto Sun over selected time periods. The Toronto Star data
was compiled for the dates extending from May 25, 1986 to Oct. 31, 1996. Information
included from The Toronto Sun was gathered for a shorter period lasting from Jan.
31, 1994 to Oct. 31, 1996. These time periods were used because they are dates for which
articles were available on CD-ROM from the two newspapers.
For the purpose of the analysis, articles appearing in these
publications were classified into four categories. The first category involved news
stories describing incidents of crime. The second grouping included articles focusing upon
social problems and adaptation difficulties experienced by Vietnamese in the course of
their interactions with the mainstream society. The third group of articles were those
which discussed a variety of unfortunate incidents involving persons of Vietnamese origin
these included automobile-related casualties, accidents on the job, a death in a
Toronto prison, and searches for missing Vietnamese children and disabled persons within
Toronto etc. The fourth and final category included stories of a positive tone. Articles
falling within this very broad classification covered a wide variety of topics.
The analysis clearly shows articles about Vietnamese persons in the two
Toronto newspapers have been strongly oriented to crime-related incidents. Over the period
of a decade, about 54% of the 391 articles which appeared in a keyword search of The
Toronto Star CD-ROM database discussed Vietnamese involvement in crime.
Slightly less than 20% of the stories in The Star focused upon the difficulties
Vietnamese were experiencing in their relationships with the mainstream society.
Predominant themes in this second group of stories included the opposition of
Vietnamese-community activists to the collection of race-based crime statistics in the
early 1990s, community protests concerning media portrayals and police mistreatment,
funding woes of Vietnamese social service organizations as well as coverage of individual
acts of prejudice, racism, and violence directed towards Vietnamese individuals by
representatives of the criminal justice system, in the labour market, and in the Toronto
schools. About 3% of the stories in The Toronto Star described accidents involving
persons of Vietnamese origin. About 23% of the articles could be classified as positive
stories. Articles falling within this very broad classification covered many topics
including reunions of Vietnamese refugees with their family members in Canada, the annual
anniversary of the Vietnamese arrival in Canada, Vietnamese New Years Celebrations
and festivals at Vietnamese Buddhist temples, case studies of Vietnamese immigrants and
refugees who have "made it" in Canadian society, write-ups of Vietnamese young
people who have achieved academic and athletic success in the Toronto schools, and
profiles of the work performed by social service agencies which include Vietnamese among
their clients.
An overwhelming emphasis upon Vietnamese involvement in crime is
apparent in the data compiled for the tabloid The Toronto Sun over a shorter time
period of slightly less than three years. Over 90% of the 78 Sun articles found in
the CD-ROM database which mentioned "Vietnamese" within a Canadian context
described incidents of crime. About 2% of the stories focused upon social problems and
difficulties experienced by the Vietnamese in their interactions with Canadian society, 1%
described accidents involving persons of Vietnamese origin, while just 3% of the articles
described events of a positive nature. The almost exclusively crime-oriented focus of The
Suns coverage has made it a target of protest among Vietnamese community
organizations as will be noted below.
The Mainstream Media and the Racialization Process
Racialization may be defined as the circumstances by which certain
social characteristics and behaviours come to be identified with the race or
ethnic origin of individuals (Miles, 1993; Omi and Winant, 1994; Miles, and Torres, 1996).
The media is a key institution in society promoting the racialization process (Satzewich,
1990; Henry 1995). Over the past decade, frequent references to Vietnamese individuals
accused of involvement in criminal activity have appeared in the mainstream Toronto
newspapers. Three key elements in the medias coverage seem particularly conducive to
the formation and perpetuation of negative stereotypes and the racialization of the
Vietnamese-origin population in the larger public consciousness. These include the endemic
practice of `race-tagging in newspaper stories, the positing of cultural factors as
explanation for criminal behaviour among persons of Vietnamese ethnic origin and the
strong correlation made in many articles between incidents involving Vietnamese and
Toronto neighbourhoods with strong and often negative public connotations.
`Race-Tagging
A number of my research informants expressed concern over the practice
of `race-tagging this is the identification of persons by race or ethnic
origin in a news account even if these "facts" are irrelevant to the story
(Fleras, 1994). Several of my interview subjects expressed anger related to their belief
that the mainstream Toronto print media commonly reported the ethnicity of Vietnamese
persons involved in criminal incidents but did not often do the same for persons of white
European ethnic origin involved in similar types of crimes. Some of my informants
expressed their view that `race-tagging is particularly harmful because it
facilitates the development of stereotypes of Vietnamese persons as being
disproportionately involved in crime compared to other segments of the population. An
analysis of articles shows `race-tagging of Vietnamese individuals has been a common
practice in the crime reporting of Toronto newspapers since the mid-1980s. A 1987 Toronto
Star article about the disappearance and subsequent safe return of a 12 year old girl
stated: "the girl was found in a house in North York where a group of Vietnamese
youths live." The reporter apparently assumed no further explanation was needed.
("Missing Girl, 12, Found Safe, Unsigned, The Toronto Star, October 26, 1987).
A 1996 article in The Star tells of the background of a woman sentenced on drug
charges: "One of the original Vietnamese boat people, who spent years toiling in a
Toronto garment manufacturers sweatshop, has been sentenced to four years for
selling heroin." ("Mother Who Sold Heroin Gets Four Years in Prison," Gary
Oakes, The Toronto Star, January 7, 1996).
`Race-tagging may be observed in the headlines of many articles:
"Vietnamese Refugee Jailed One Day After Police Raid Turns Up Guns," (Darcy
Henton, The Toronto Star, Sept. 1, 1988); "4 Stabbed at CNE; Black Teens
Knifed, 7 Vietnamese Face Charges," (Unsigned, The Toronto Sun, August 31,
1994); "Students Imprisoned For Shooting: Vietnamese Pair Receive Long Sentences for
Attack on Man, Sister," (Thomas Claridge, The Globe and Mail, June 16, 1996).
Informants note that race-tagging has been particularly common in
stories about insurance and credit card fraud in Metropolitan Toronto and southern
Ontario. A 1994 article about the bust of a credit card scam pointed out: "A
Scarborough man, working as a night auditor at the CN tower at that time, provided the
credit card information to a Vietnamese-based organization, which ran the operation from a
downtown condo-minium," ("12 Arrested as Credit Card Scam Busted," Bob
Mitchell, The Toronto Star, Dec. 12, 1994). "A Crash Course in Fraud", an
article by a columnist in The Toronto Sun, opened with this paragraph: "Think
you pay too much for car insurance? Well you probably do. And guys like Nhu Tung Dinh can
provide you with a million reasons why." The writer of the column went on to note:
"through a Vietnamese interpreter, Dinh has been instructed to return to see Judge
Dassell on Nov. 6 to be sentenced for his role in the fraud." ("A Crash Course
in Fraud," Heather Bird, The Toronto Sun, Sept. 14, 1996).
Especially inflammatory has been The Toronto Suns
reporting on Vietnamese convicted criminals ordered deported from Canada. These stories
have received much considerably more play in The Sun compared to the other Toronto
dailies. Tom Godfrey, a crime beat reporter for the newspaper, has specialized in writing
such stories involving Vietnamese and certain other immigrant groups. A 1995 article
began: "A Vietnamese boat person ordered deported for murder may never leave because
Canada has no deportation agreement with Vietnam." The article went on to note:
"He fled Vietnam by boat for a Hong Kong refugee camp and was chosen by the Canadian
government to resettle here." ("Killer Might Get to Stay: Hes Ordered Out
But," Tom Godfrey, The Toronto Sun, Jan. 5, 1995). Other deportation stories
in The Sun possessed the following headlines: "Board Deports Thug to
Vietnam." (Tom Godfrey, The Toronto Sun, May 29, 1994); "Refugee Thief
Gets the Boot," (Tom Godfrey, The Toronto Sun, Jan. 15, 1995); "Cost us
500Gs, Violent Vietnamese Criminal Ordered Deported," (Tom Godfrey, The Toronto
Sun, June 26, 1995 ); "Lawbreakers Getting the Boot; Vietnamese, Chinese
Criminals Now Face Deportation," (Tom Godfrey, The Toronto Sun, Oct. 13,
1995). Undoubtedly, The Suns preoccupation with these types of stories helps
create a public perception that immigrants and refugees who originate from Vietnam tend to
cause trouble after they come to Canada.
A "Culture of Violence"
Particularly harmful in the eyes of several of my research informants
is the tendency of some criminal justice officials to make comments to the media linking
criminal behaviour of perpetrators to past experiences in Vietnam and to the negative
influence of Vietnamese culture generally. Numerous examples of such
statements may be gleaned from newspaper accounts over the years. A 1987 story in The
Toronto Star discussed the possible involvement of Vietnamese-American gangs in
criminal activity within the Toronto area. In the article, a Massachusetts police officer
noted "`highly mobile Vietnamese gang members had come of age `in an atmosphere
of violence in refugee camps located in Southeast Asia. ("Police Suspect U.S.
Asian Gangs in Metro Holdups," Don Dutton, The Toronto Star, Jan. 23, 1987).
In a 1991 Globe and Mail article, the newspapers police reporter, quoting
Alberta police officers, attributed a string of violent crimes involved perpetrators of
Vietnamese national origin to a "generation of young, often rootless males who came
out of Vietnams postwar era." ("Police Face Long Haul in Chinatown
Slayings: Reluctance of Vietnamese to Provide Information a Factor in
Investigations," Timothy Appleby, The Globe and Mail, March 5, 1991). In a
1994 Toronto Sun article, a police detective stated that many immigrant youth
including some Vietnamese teenagers bring the lawless elements of their countries to metro
Torontos streets. The detective argued that in countries such as Vietnam, where
abject poverty is commonplace, violence is a way of staying alive. He went on to comment:
"It shouldnt come as any surprise that when people come to Canada it is acted
out." ("`Trash Time, Violent Teens Irk Cop," Jonathan Kingston, The
Toronto Sun, Sept. 1, 1994). In a 1994 Globe and Mail article an RCMP drug
officer based in British Columbia stated his belief that there is a cultural element to
drug crimes committed by Vietnamese in Canada. He commented: "Vietnamese trafficking
is part of their culture and what I mean by that is that these people come from a war-torn
country, theyve grown up all their lives fighting to survive each day to live; in
Canada we take that for granted, we dont understand that." ("Community
Decries Crime Stigma. Drugs; While Police Say Not All Nanaimo Vietnamese Deal, Some Do,
And They Represent a Big Problem." (Craig McInnes, The Globe and Mail, Nov.
22, 1994).
Intersections of `Race, Ethnicity, and Place
Social geographers have recognized important spatial aspects of the
construction of popular representations of some minority groups. These scholars have noted
that racialized stereotypes of minority groups may gain a particular potency when linked
with certain neighbourhoods tagged with negative public imagery (Anderson, 1987; Anderson,
1988; Anderson, 1991; Jackson, 1993; Jackson, 1994). In turn, these stereotypes may in
various ways influence the life chances of minority group members living in these
communities (Bauder, 1998). Many of my research informants perceive that sensationalistic
media reports of a series of violent crimes perpetrated by so-called Vietnamese
`gangsters in Torontos Chinatowns have left strong imprints in the collective
consciousness of the host society. Several informants noted the pervasiveness of
racialized stereotypes linking Vietnamese young males to gang activity perceived to be
prevalent in the citys Chinatown neighbourhoods. The enduring power of such
stereotypes is easily understood considering the tone of the medias coverage of
`crime waves within the Chinatowns during the late 1980s and the early 1990s, as
well as the ongoing reports linking so-called Vietnamese `gangs to crimes occurring
in Torontos Chinatowns. Articles in these earlier time periods were filled with
sensationalistic language. A 1986 Toronto Star article headlined: "Terror in
Chinatown: Gangs Put Chinatown Under Siege" stated: "In Torontos
Chinatown, many are talking openly of their fear and anger over the new wave of
extortions, robberies, and other violence. The victims blame much of the trouble on a
small group within the community, mainly new gangs of young Vietnamese and police
agree." The same article continued with a quotation from a Chinatown businessman:
"They dont respect life at all after years of war
They are not afraid of
police, of the courts, of jail. They are not even afraid of dying." ("Terror in
Chinatown: Gangs Put Chinatown Under Siege," Don Dutton and Cal Millar, The
Toronto Star, September 6, 1986).
A January 1991 article in The Star headlined "New Gangs
Terrorize Chinatown" used particularly vivid language to portray Vietnamese
`gangsters working in Torontos Chinatowns: "They live for automatic
handguns, designer clothes, and $150 a bottle cognac. They kill for almost any reason.
They are metros most feared criminals newcomers in Vietnamese and Chinese
gangs whose savage violence has even old secret crime society Triad society members living
in fear." "...With meat cleavers, knives, and guns these youthful criminals prey
on Asian business people and families already established here, police say."
"
Their methods are extremely violent" ("New Gangs Terrorize
Chinatown", Peter Edwards and Cal Millar, The Toronto Star, Jan. 13, 1991).
Other headlines from the same time period discussed the suspected involvement of
Vietnamese `gangs in several Chinatown crimes: "Shooting Fuels Fear in
Chinatown residents," (Tony Wong and Dale Brazao, The Toronto Star, February
5, 1991); "Chinatown Greets Its New Year Uneasily," (Tony Wong, The Toronto
Star, Feb. 16, 1991); "Killings, Stabbings, and Robberies Leave Residents Living
in Fear," (Unsigned, The Toronto Star, March 4, 1991); "Chinatown
Killings Haunt Immigrants,"(Unsigned, The Toronto Star, March 10, 1991);
"Meat Cleaver Used in Chinatown Attack," (Unsigned, The Toronto Star,
March 15, 1991).
Also in 1991, at the time of a string of violent crimes in Chinatown,
the national news magazine Macleans featured a cover story headlined
"Terror in the Streets: Young Asian Gangs Are Spreading Fear, Violence And
Death in Canadian Cities." (Brian Bergman, Macleans, March 23,
1991). On the front cover of this issue was a photo of an Asian man wearing a leather
jacket perched against a dark brick wall, waiting to fire a pistol. Inside the magazine,
several pages of sensationalistic text and photos discussed the growing scourge of
Vietnamese and Chinese gangs in major Canadian cities including Toronto. A sidebar in the
table of contents placed next to a grisly photo of a crime victim read: "Terror in
the Streets: Young ruthless Vietnamese and Chinese gangsters are pursuing their criminal
ambitions and deadly turf wars with a ferocity that is establishing a new threshold of
violence in Canadian cities. Their activities range from armed robbery and extortion to
prostitution and heroin trafficking."
Two years later, Toronto Life magazine featured its own very
detailed and sensationalistic account of Vietnamese `gang activities in
Torontos Chinatowns: ("Murder at the Kim Bo: Vietnamese Gangs Are the New
Scourge of Chinatown and a 1990 Murder at a Dundas Street Restaurant Illustrates the Many
Difficulties of Solving and Persecuting Their Crimes," Gina Mallet, Toronto Life,
February 1993.) This particular article was accompanied by gory pictures from Chinatown
crime scenes and mugshots of alleged Vietnamese gangsters.
Over the past decade, the Toronto newspapers have also contained many
reports situating crimes involving Vietnamese victims and perpetrators within two
neighbour-hoods widely identified in the Toronto public consciousness with low income
housing, prostitution, drug dealing, and violence. Several articles have linked Vietnamese
crime to the Parkdale neighbourhood in Torontos west end. Some of these stories have
discussed the suspected involvement of organized Vietnamese gangs in heroin trafficking in
the neighbourhood: "More Shops to be Closed in Drug Battle," (Royson James and
Jim Byersk, The Toronto Star, Aug. 12, 1989); "Parkdale Residents Protest Bail
Releases," (Moira Welsh, The Toronto Star, March 29, 1993; "Store Licence
at Stake in Parkdale Drug Fight," (Mark Zwolinski, The Toronto Star, June 11,
1993). A Toronto Sun story which appeared in 1995 conjured up imagery linking
Vietnamese to the drug trade in Parkdale. The following is an excerpt from this article:
"Nick sees no irony in his words, sitting here waiting to peddle his heroin while on
parole and living in a halfway house. No damage, he says, but here he is still shooting
up, still hustling his heroin to the working girls of Parkdale. Hes a dealer with a
conscience of course. He buys his rock of heroin from only one `reputable Vietnamese
supplier whose quality is safe. He would never sell to kids, he says, or novices."
("Smacks Back, Heroin So Pure It Can Kill Before the Needle Out of the Arm is
Flooding Metro Like Never Before. And Its So Cheap Its Becoming Fashionable,"
Michele Mandele, The Toronto Sun, Feb. 26, 1995).
Several newstories have reported violent crimes involving patrons of
Vietnamese national origin which have occurred at karoake bars located on Ossington Street
in Parkdale: `Karoake Killer, 21, Gets Life Sentence," (Gary Oakes, The Toronto
Star, Jan. 13, 1994), "Killer Gets Life; Shot 2 Men in Karoake Bar," (Tracy
Nesdoly, The Toronto Sun, Jan. 13, 1994), "Robber Jailed Four Years: Karoake
Bandit", (Sam Pazano, The Toronto Sun, Sept. 9, 1994). To most Torontonians
whose only exposure to Vietnamese nightlife comes through such newstories, these
portrayals of Chinatown and Parkdale streetscapes dotted with all-night Vietnamese karoake
bars and cafes represents an exotic underworld of the other with seedy and
often violent undertones.
Numerous articles have also identified Vietnamese involvement in
criminal activity in the Jane-Finch area, a neighbourhood in suburban Toronto which has
long been linked in the racialized media discourse with low-income high-rise housing and
violent crime involving minority groups (Jackson, 1993, Henry, 1994; Henry, 1995). A 1990 Toronto
Star article about a physical altercation contained the following paragraph: "The
two victims who spoke only Vietnamese, would tell police little about what they were doing
in the Jane-Finch area shortly before 1 A.M yesterday," ("Retaliation Feared
After Stabbing," Unsigned, The Toronto Star, August 17, 1990). Crime digests
over the past decade have frequently made reference to Vietnamese involvement in incidents
occuring in the "Jane-Finch" neighbourhood. To summarize, the medias
association of Vietnamese involvement with crime with Chinatown, Parkdale, and the
Jane-Finch neighbourhood has served to strengthen public perceptions of the deviant
character of of persons of Vietnamese origin and this is especially so given the fact that
both neighbourhoods possess sizable Vietnamese residential concentrations. It is not
difficult to see how the opportunities for mobility and life chances of Vietnamese young
persons coming of age in such communities as Parkdale and Jane-Finch could be negatively
impacted by such imagery. For example, the possession of a home address associated with
the Jane-Finch or Parkdale neighbourhoods could potentially influence the behaviour of
criminal justice officials, educators, and prospective employers they might come into
contact with.
THE RESPONSE OF VIETNAMESE-CANADIAN
COMMUNITY ORGANIZATIONS
Protesting media portrayals, Vietnamese organizations including the
Vietnamese Association of Toronto, the Metro Toronto Chinese and Southeast Asian Legal Aid
Clinic, the Vietnamese Community of North York, and the Society of Vietnamese-Canadian
Professionals have written and phoned mainstream newspapers. A coalition of Vietnamese
organizations signed a letter of protest to The Toronto Sun following a series of
particularly inflammatory articles in 1994. The Society of Vietnamese-Canadian
Professionals (SCVP) has been especially active in challenging media representations of
persons of Vietnamese origin. This organization owes its existence to the anger local
police practices and media portrayals generated among its founding members in the early
1990s. At a 1993 symposium also attended by representatives of the police and Asian
community groups, Michael Dang, a spokesperson for the society, made the following
statement:
"The Toronto Sun never ceases to amaze the public with
these kinds of headlines: `Trouble in Little Saigon, Two Shot Dead at Vietnamese
Café; `Two Vietnamese Young Men Were Shot to Death
`A New Street War in
Metros Asian Community. These are the images the media paints of our
community." "
The media does not realize that criminal elements welcome
these sensational writings. It reigns fear, submission, and intimidation to our community,
just as they want it. These images are also a potential fuel for the building of
stereotypes and racial prejudices. This is at a time when our community are working very
hard to integrate with the rest of Canada, when Vietnamese youths are excelling in schools
and athletics. If this trend is allowed to continue unabated, the media will be seen to
build further barriers for Vietnamese youths within our society, from education to
employment."
Mr. Dang continued: "Here are our communitys requests:
Foremost we would like the (police) force to be open to the public yet be sensitive when
releasing racial info of individuals involved in criminal activity. We feel that the
police could not possibly check the true identity of the individual at the scene of a
crime to know whether that Asian person is a Vietnamese, a Chinese-Vietnamese, or any
other Asian descent when this info is given to the media. To the media, we feel they are
doing us an injustice by portraying our community as being chaotic and youth-gang
mongering. They should strike a balance and copy the example of the media in the U.S. and
Europe who published stories depicting our achievements since the `boat people
era." (Michael Dang, Vice-President, Society of Vietnamese-Canadian Professionals,
Police Community Partnership: A Presentation at the Symposium on Policing, January 27,
1993, Regal Constellation Hotel, Toronto).
At a 1994 joint Conference on Asian Communities and Policing with the
Metropolitan Toronto Police and several Chinese organizations, the Society recommended
that the police not use the descriptions "Vietnamese" and "Oriental"
when they disclose crime information to the news media. If it was deemed necessary to
provide a description of a perpetrator it was suggested that the less harmful term
"Asian" be used. At the time, a police media relations officer stated that he
would ask his office to implement the recommendation. This organizations request of
the police demonstrates its recognition of the important interrelationship between police
officers and crime reporters in the dissemination of public stereotypes of persons of
Vietnamese origin in Canadian society. Members of the Society of Vietnamese-Canadian
Professionals also met with the editor of The Toronto Sun in 1994 with the goal of
sensitizing him to the negative impact of his newspapers reporting practices.
II. THE VIETNAMESE AND THE
CRIMINAL JUSTICE SYSTEM IN TORONTO
A number of informants argued that Vietnamese-Canadians have
commonly experienced prejudice, discrimination, and mistreatment in their encounters with
representatives of the criminal justice system in the Toronto area. Three informants who
have counseled low-income Vietnamese clients at a legal aid clinic pointed out that in the
course of their work they have heard of many cases of mistreatment of Vietnamese persons
at the hands of law enforcement officers. The legal aid counselors argued that among the
Vietnamese population there are widespread perceptions that the police on occasion harass
Vietnamese individuals, asking for their identity in various situations. The counselors
had heard first-hand of many incidents in which Vietnamese motorists believed they were
singled out as a visible minority, stopped by police, and given tickets for minor
infractions including violations of seatbelt laws. Harassment by mall security staff is
also perceived to be commonplace. The legal aid workers related a number of incidents in
which they believed Vietnamese were unjustly suspected of shoplifting. One of the
counselors noted that he himself was once handcuffed by a police officer for a few minutes
following a false accusation of shoplifting at the Eaton Centre in downtown Toronto.
Several informants stated that many of the problems with law
enforcement are the result of cultural misunderstandings and language barriers, as well as
the prejudices of individual police officers. Cultural misunderstandings have followed
from differences in verbal communication norms. In Vietnamese culture, it is normative to
avoid direct eye contact when engaged in conservation with a person commanding a show of
respect because a stare is perceived to be a challenge and a sign of disrespect. There
have been cases in Toronto in which Vietnamese individuals felt that the police perceived
them to be guilty because they avoided eye contact while being questioned.
Many of my informants stated that the language barrier often places
Vietnamese persons at a distinct disadvantage when dealing with law enforcement officers.
The legal aid counselors noted several specific incidents in which their Vietnamese
clients were charged with crimes largely because of their inability to communicate
effectively with officers in English. Many of these situations involved fights at bars or
clubs and auto accidents in which the other party spoke English fluently. The counselors
also mentioned numerous cases in which the language barrier contributed to a "banned
for life" penalty for Vietnamese individuals accused of shoplifting.
An informant who has volunteered as a Vietnamese-language translator in
the courts observed that many of the lawyers who are hired with public money from the
legal aid program do not adequately defend their Vietnamese clients. This volunteer
translator has met Vietnamese convicted in the courts who have told him that their lawyers
did not explain anything to them. Rather, they told their clients to "just say
yes" and plead guilty. Some of these persons, who spoke little English, landed in
correctional institutions with little idea of what had transpired in the courtroom in
which they were convicted. A legal aid counselor argued that many police officers who
encounter situations involving Vietnamese persons do not feel like going through the
hassle of getting an interpreter, especially given the requirement that a report
describing any given incident must be filed within 24 hours of its occurring.
Several informants believe that racialized stereotypes of the
Vietnamese are common among some members of the police force. These stereotypes probably
have much of their origin in the incidents of drug-running, prostitution, bribery, home
invasions, violent crime and general "gang" activity involving some Vietnam-born
individuals which have been strongly sensationalized in the mainstream Toronto media in
the past decade. Informants related numerous situations in which Vietnamese persons stated
that believed they had received improper treatment from law enforcement officials as a
result of their ethnic origin. One such incident received public attention in 1993 when a
Metropolitan Toronto police constable was convicted of insubordination by a police
complaints commission board of inquiry due to his conduct in a 1991 incident. The inquiry
found that the officer had stopped a 30 year old Vietnamese dental assistant for speeding
as she was driving her car to attend to 6 A.M. religious services. The officer angrily
ordered the woman out of her car and immediately drew his revolver to his side. The
inquiry reported: "As she was walking towards the constable, he raised his gun,
holding it in two hands, and pointed it at her, and at some point, perhaps when she
reached her designated destination at the front of his car, he told her at least once not
to move or else, `Ill shoot your head off. The woman was handcuffed by another
officer. Her new white Honda was searched for drugs, weapons, alcohol, and stolen
property, but nothing illegal was found. The women was eventually released without
charges. At the inquiry, the officer testified that he had feared while following the
woman that she may have been one of four male Vietnamese homicide suspects wanted in a
province-wide alert at the time. However, the inquiry commissioner wrote that this was a
far-fetched and strange suspicion. Inquiry documents stated that none of the suspects
matched the woman in physical description, not to mention gender, and the suspects
themselves were reported to be driving a blue sedan." ("Officer Convicted for
Drawing Gun: Shocked Motorist Was Told Her Head Would Be `Shot Off Police Board
Finds," Joseph Hall, The Toronto Star, May 5, 1993).
In another case that received media attention, in 1990 a provincial
judge based in Toronto publicly acknowledged that he singled out certain Vietnamese
defendants for severe sentences. Explaining why he was sending a first-time offender to
prison on a relatively minor offence of improperly storing a firearm, the judge stated:
"In Toronto, in these courtrooms, sometimes I send young men from Vietnam to jail
rather severely on offences. Theyve been in Canada a short time, theyve been
in Canada a year or two or three, and I have to work out a kind of sentence that appears
to have no bias. Were supposed to treat everyone in front of us in the same way.
Again and again I have to lay out thankfully not again and again but often
have to lay out sentences trying to make it clear that in the circumstances of the recent
immigrants arrival into Canada, on a charge of threatening or extortion, thats
sometimes connected with Vietnamese gangs, and sometimes with not too much evidence in
front of me on a sentence hearing, I lay out some severe sentences that wouldnt
apply in the same set of facts with someone whod been in Canada 20 or 30
years."("Investigate this Judge," Unsigned Editorial, The Toronto Star,
April 22, 1993, p. A26)
Agencies representing the Vietnamese population have engaged in a range
of activities intended to increase police sensitivity and facilitate improved relations
between the police and the Vietnamese population. As noted above, the Society of
Vietnamese-Canadian Professionals was brought into existence as a result of the concern of
its founding members over police and media stereotyping of the Vietnamese population.
According to the societys vice president, the public comments of a Metropolitan
Toronto police officer served as a key stimulus prompting a small group of Vietnam-born
engineers and teachers to organize the new association. In the summer of 1991, the police
sergeant proclaimed that he had collected data which indicated that Vietnamese and
mainland Chinese were responsible for the "vast majority" of all crime in
Torontos 350,000 member Asian community. These two groups, he continued, should be
"targeted" by immigration investigators for tough measures to identify
"phony refugees". To do otherwise, the police sergeant said, would be
"hiding our heads in the sand." ("Asian Crime Remarks Trigger New Race
Row," The Toronto Star, July 28, 1991, p. B4). The sergeant was disciplined by
the Metro Police Services Board for his comments. The board had declared two years earlier
that the police force would no longer compile statistics relating crime to race.
The founding members of the Society of Vietnamese-Canadian
Professionals were outraged by the police sergeants statements. According to the
societys vice president, the initial activities of the new organization involved
"damage control". The society worked with other advocacy groups - the
Chinese-Canadian National Council and the Metro Chinese and Southeast Asian Legal Aid
Clinic to initiate discussions with the police. Leaders of the new organization demanded
accountability in the work of the police with Vietnamese persons. Members of the society
talked to police officials to try to educate them about the background and culture of the
Vietnamese, attempting to raise their awareness about Vietnamese concerns in regard to
police mistreatment. With the participation of several Chinese organizations as well as
the Vietnamese Association of Toronto and representatives of the Metropolitan Toronto
police, the society organized conferences on Asian Communities and the Police in 1992,
1993, and 1994. These meetings were funded by the now-disbanded Anti-Racism Secretariat
within the Ontario Ministry of Citizenship. At these seminars, special discussion was
given to key differences between Vietnamese and Canadian culture which might impact the
interactions of law enforcement officers with persons of Vietnamese origin. More
specifically, officers were asked to bring in social workers in situations of domestic
abuse as opposed to pressing charges under Canadian law. At the conferences, other issues
were addressed as well. The Vietnamese and Chinese organizations lobbied against the
compilation of crime statistics tied to race. A spokesperson for SVCP noted that only
three Vietnamese-speaking officers were employed on a Metropolitan Toronto police force of
about 5,400 uniformed officers. Suggestions were given on how to improve Vietnamese
representation in law enforcement. Spokepersons for Vietnamese organizations also asked
the police to be more sensitive in the information they share with the media.
In sum, events in the early 1990s served as the impetus for community
activism carried out with the goal of improving relations between the Vietnamese
population and the police force. Representatives of several organizations engaged in
discussions with police officials to facilitate cultural sensitivity and awareness among
the police force, improve Vietnamese representation on the force, and sensitize police to
the role they play in manufacturing public stereotypes as they speculate about the race or
ethnicity of accused criminals to crime beat reporters.
SUMMARY AND CONCLUSION
The mainstream Toronto media has played an important role in
shaping the context of reception Vietnamese refugees and immigrants have encountered in
the city. In the late 1970s, the Toronto newspapers offered considerable encouragement and
support for the large-scale resettlement of Vietnamese refugees within Canada. Within a
few years, the media reoriented its focus to the social problems and difficulties with
adaptation that many Vietnamese-Canadians experienced. By the mid-to-late 1980s,
Vietnamese involvement in criminal activity was the predominant emphasis of local
newspaper accounts. Many of these crime stories focused on violent crime identified with
Vietnamese `gangs. While it may be argued that the media were justifiably focusing
public attention on a compelling social issue in Canadian society, the content of these
crime reports, some of which used quite sensationalized language, clearly also served to
racialize the Vietnamese as a problem group within the consciousness of the larger Toronto
public.
The daily Toronto newspapers also began identifying the Vietnamese
origin of suspected criminals in even the briefest crime digest reports. The
race-tagging was included in accounts of crimes such as drug-dealing,
prostitution, and credit card as well as accident claim fraud. These are the very same
types of crimes which the newspapers report on a daily basis usually without any mention
of the ethnic or racial identity of those involved. The fact that Toronto
media outlets felt compelled to provide the Vietnamese identity of individuals involved in
these capsule reports helped perpetuate a "common sense" linkage in public
perceptions between persons of Vietnamese origin and involvement in crime.
Within a short period of time, the news medias
`race-tagging provoked a response from several Vietnamese community organizations.
Representatives of these groups attempted to sensitize the management of the mainstream
publications to the potential impact of their newspapers reporting practices upon
the adaptation of Vietnamese individuals within the mainstream society. Community
activists feared harmful stereotypes were negatively influencing the interactions of
Vietnamese-Canadians with the labour market, the education sector, and the criminal
justice system n Toronto. The protests of the community groups met with some success. Most
of my research informants believe the protests have been largely responsible for somewhat
improved media portrayals since 1994. While race-tagging has not completely
disappeared from crime stories involving persons of Vietnamese origin, an analysis shows
the practice has become notably less common in all three of the mainstream Toronto
newspapers since the mid-1990s. However, despite the perceptions of improvement in recent
years, there is continuing concern among most informants that the reporting of previous
years has left its toll contributing to enduring negative images of Vietnamese-Canadians
within the larger public consciousness.
The second half of the chapter addressed the relationship between the
Vietnamese population and the criminal justice system. Similar to the experiences of other
minority groups in Toronto and other North American cities, persons of Vietnamese ethnic
origin have occasionally experienced tension in their interactions with representatives of
the law enforcement system. Cultural misconceptions, the language barrier, and the extreme
underrepresentation of the Vietnamese and other Asians on the police force have all
contributed to problematic police-community relations. This environment provided the
stimulus for several Vietnamese and Southeast Asian organizations to initiate
consultations with representatives of the police force in the early 1990s. Staffers of
several ethnic organizations argued that the racialized stereotypes possessed by some
criminal justice officials are particularly harmful and may negatively influence the
long-term life chances of many Vietnamese young people in Canadian society. It is in the
mainstream news media where such racialized imagery achieves popular currency. Certain
scholars have recognized that `Race-Tagging in crime reporting is a function of the
information-sharing relationship between the police and crime beat reporters. Stereotypes
linking race, ethnicity, and crime existing among individual police officers and other
criminal justice officials are commonly disseminated into the wider public consciousness
in news accounts of criminal incidents. Recognizing the reciprocal relationship among the
police and the news media in furthering racialized stereotypes, an advocacy organization
based in Toronto the Society of Vietnamese Professionals met with police officials
in an attempt to sensitize the force to the negative consequences of speculating about the
race or ethnicity of those involved in various criminal offences to reporters.
To
Chapter 11
Abstract/Acknowledgements/Table
of Contents - [ Chapters - 1 - 2 - 3 - 4 - 5 - 6 - 7 - 8 - 9 - 10 - 11 ] - Appendices - References
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