"Community", Adaptation and the Vietnamese in Toronto

By Mark Edward Pfeifer

Ó Copyright by Mark Edward Pfeifer (1999)

 


Abstract/Acknowledgements/Table of Contents - [ Chapters - 1 - 2 - 3 - 4 - 5 - 6 - 7 - 8 - 9 - 10 - 11 ] -  Appendices - References Cited


 

CHAPTER TEN

INTERACTIONS OF THE VIETNAMESE WITH THE MEDIA AND

THE CRIMINAL JUSTICE SYSTEM IN TORONTO

INTRODUCTION

A number of contemporary scholars have documented the role of the mainstream media in producing and disseminating popular images of certain minority groups. There is a considerable body of empirical research which has systematically linked media portrayals with the wider public’s attitudes towards racial and ethnic minorities. The bulk of these studies have been conducted in the United States and have focused upon the societal impact of the media’s common linkage of `race’ and crime in news accounts. (Bobo, 1997). Social construction theorists have taken a particularly strong interest in the media’s representation of minority group "otherness". It has been argued that the media may play an important role in shaping general public attitudes of receptivity or opposition to new immigrants and refugee minorities. A number of social scientists have recognized that the media is often a key player in a process of racialization which may negatively impact the interactions of minority groups with institutions of the host society including the education sector, the criminal justice system and the labour market, thus serving to hinder the adaptation process (Hall et al, 1978; Indra, 1979; Indra, 1981; Dijk, 1991; Ungerleider, 1991; Creese, 1993; Darder, 1995; Henry, 1995; McCormick, 1995; Smith and Feagin, 1995; Smith and Tarallo, 1995; Valle and Torres, 1995; Creese and Peterson, 1996; Morrison, 1996; Hall, 1997).

The first part of the chapter will assess interactions between persons of Vietnamese origin and the mainstream Toronto media. The following research questions will guide the analysis: What have been the major themes of the portrayals of persons of Vietnamese-origin in the Toronto print media since their initial arrival in large numbers during the "Boat People" crisis in the late 1970s? What possible implications have these portrayals had for the perceptions the larger Toronto public possesses of Vietnamese-Canadians generally? How have community activists attempted to bring about change in reporting practices and improve overall portrayals in the mainstream Toronto newspapers?

Scholars have amply documented the tensions existing between certain "visible" minority groups and the representatives of the criminal justice system in North America, Britain and other European countries, as well as Australia (Jackson, 1989; Walker, Spohn and DeLone, 1996; Chan, 1997; Bowling, 1998). Certain social scientists have also noted the interrelationship between law enforcement officials and the news media in the process of manufacturing and sustaining the racialized imagery of many minority groups within the larger society (Hall et al., 1978).

It is well-known that many of the most significant problems related to criminal justice in the United States are intertwined with the issues of ‘race’ and ethnicity. For example, half of all of the prisoners in the United States (50.2% in January, 1993) were African American, even though blacks represented only about 12% of the total American population. Hispanics constituted 17% of all American prisoners in 1991, even though they made up slightly less than 10% of the total population. Furthermore, a vastly disproportionate number of African Americans are shot and killed by the police in the U.S. In particular, young black men are the foremost targets of police brutality (Walker, Spohn, DeLone, 1996).

In Canada, scholars have provided evidence of the problematic relationship existing between criminal justice representatives and certain minority populations including blacks and Native Canadians (Cryderman and Fleras, 1992; Henry, 1995). Within Toronto, scholars have devoted considerable attention to relationships between the Caribbean population and the criminal justice system. Allegations of discrimination and mistreatment by local law enforcement representatives as well as several shootings of young black men by Toronto police have been the impetus for protest and advocacy initiatives among black community groups in the city since the late 1970s (Stasiulis, 1982; Jackson, 1993; Henry, 1994; Jackson, 1994; Henry, 1995).

Most North American studies have focused on the experiences of blacks and to a lesser extent Hispanics with the criminal justice system. In neither United States nor Canada has there been much research in regard to the interactions of persons of Asian origin with law enforcement representatives. There is evidence, however, that Vietnamese populations in certain American cities have taken on the characteristics of a racialized minority group in the perceptions of some criminal justice officials. A 1992 article in The Philadelphia Inquirer exposed the local police practice of randomly interrogating uncharged Vietnamese young men for the purpose of taking mugshots. The story noted that the police had collected almost 400 such photographs for an "Oriental Photo Book" to aid in the investigation of the activities of local Asian gangs ("Police Photo Sweeps Anger Asians: They Were Not Arrested, Yet Their Pictures Ended Up in Mug Books," Jennifer Lin, The Philadelphia Inquirer, October 25, 1992). The story contributed to efforts among local Vietnamese community organizations to end the police phototaking sessions. Smith and Tarallo (1995) focus attention upon local police and media reaction to a series of crimes which occurred in Sacramento, CA. The police and media discourses surrounding the criminal acts focused on the relationship of the incidents to a scourge of Vietnamese ‘gang’ activity in the state of California despite the lack of any evidence that the Vietnamese-origin perpetrators involved possessed affiliations with ethnic gangs.

The second portion of the chapter is intended to examine relationships between the Vietnamese population, co-ethnic organizations, and the criminal justice system in the Toronto area. The following research issues will guide the analysis: What types of issues and concerns have characterized the experiences of persons of Vietnamese origin with the police and courts in Toronto? By what means have Vietnamese community organizations as well as individual Vietnamese attempted to alleviate police-community tensions and facilitate changes in the practices of law enforcement?

METHODOLOGY

This first portion of this chapter assesses the mainstream Toronto print media’s portrayals of Vietnamese-Canadians over the past two decades and examines the perceptions and responses of Vietnamese-Canadian community organizations to these representations. The local print as opposed to broadcast media were selected as the research foci in part due to the ease with which the text of old newspaper articles may be researched and retrieved. On the contrary, it is obviously very difficult, if not impossible to gather transcripts of radio or television news broadcasts which aired several years back. While it would have been insightful to also examine portrayals of Vietnamese individuals in the Toronto broadcast media, a case may be made that the print media may actually be a more desirable source for this kind of research. Roberts and Bachen (1981) note that several studies have suggested that newspaper stories tend to have a greater impact upon personal opinion in comparison to news accounts broadcast upon television. These scholars also observe the existence of a body of research which indicates persons of a higher socioeconomic status are more likely to be influenced by what they read in the newspaper compared to those persons possessing fewer resources. It is of course those persons of higher socioeconomic standing who are also the `gatekeepers’ both facilitating and inhibiting the advancement of other individuals – these are the employers, educators, judges, etc. in a given society.

The chapter focuses most strongly upon news stories pertaining to Vietnamese individuals within a Canadian context in the three Toronto daily newspapers – The Toronto Star, The Toronto Sun, and The Globe and Mail between 1979 and 1996. Each of these newspapers has been associated with a distinctive philosophical outlook and readership over the past several decades (Lemon, 1985). At the risk of overgeneralizing, it may be stated that The Toronto Star has long been associated with a liberal editorial stance and staunch Canadian nationalism as opposed to the more conservative, pro-business Globe and Mail. The Star possesses the largest circulation of any daily newspaper in Canada. It covers local Toronto issues in far more depth than The Globe and Mail, which despite a primarily Toronto orientation, also has pretensions associated with being Canada’s "national newspaper". The Toronto Sun is a tabloid with a right-wing political orientation. Its content which emphasizes crime, celebrity news, and sports is very oriented to a working-class readership. In addition to the city’s daily newspapers, articles appearing in the weekly newsmagazine Maclean’s and the monthly Toronto Life were also included in the analysis.

Opinions within the Vietnamese `Community’ in regard to mainstream media portrayals and relationships with the criminal justice system were gathered through semi-structured interviews conducted with a total of 15 Vietnamese staffers employed by ethnic community organizations and social service agencies with large Vietnamese clienteles based in the Toronto area. Representatives were interviewed from community groups including the Vietnamese Association of Toronto, the Society of Vietnamese-Canadian Professionals, the Vietnamese Community of North York, the Southeast Asian Services Centre, and the Southeast Asian Legal Aid Clinic. Also participating in the study were Vietnamese employees of the Toronto Board of Education, a refugee reception centre, and several neighbourhood health clinics with large Vietnamese service populations. Internal documents and memorandums provided by one advocacy organization – the Society of Vietnamese Professionals - also contributed significantly to the analysis within both the media and criminal justice sections of the chapter.

I. THE VIETNAMESE AND THE TORONTO MEDIA

TEMPORAL THEMES IN THE MAINSTREAM TORONTO MEDIA’S PORTRAYAL OF VIETNAMESE-ORIGIN INDIVIDUALS

The "Boat People" Crisis 1979-1980

The mainstream Toronto newspapers played an important role in creating public awareness of the Indochinese refugee crisis in the late 1970s. There is little doubt that intense media coverage helped facilitate general public acceptance of the large-scale resettlement of Vietnamese refugees in Canada. Dramatic coverage of the conditions endured by refugees in their escapes from Vietnam also contributed significantly to motivating the large number of voluntary groups, notably church congregations, who privately sponsored Vietnamese refugees for resettlement within Canada (Adelman, 1982; Lam, 1996).

In 1979 both The Globe and Mail and The Toronto Star ran a series of news stories, which detailed the perilous circumstances of flight and the miserable conditions found in the refugee camps located throughout Southeast Asia. Sample headlines of these articles included: "Boat People Tell of Rape, Robbery and Murder," (Gerald Utting, The Toronto Star, Jan.15, 1979); "Viet’s Horror: Cruel Sea, Dying Children,"(Gerald Utting, The Toronto Star, Jan. 16,1979); "Starvation Squeezed Family Out," (Gerald Utting, The Toronto Star, Jan. 17, 1979); "Refugee Crisis is Just Beginning," (John Fraser, The Globe and Mail, June 26, 1979); "The Boat People in Hong Kong: Within Sight of the Skyscapers: A World of Suffering and Stench," (John Fraser, June 26, 1979). These graphically illustrated front page articles were accompanied by editorial columns in the two newspapers which encouraged public support for the federal government’s Vietnamese refugee admission policy: "Worried about a Backlash," (Editorial, The Globe and Mail, July 10, 1979); "Immigrants Build Canada," (Editorial, The Toronto Star, July 26, 1979); "Can’t Canada Do a Little More for the Boat People," (Gerald Utting, The Toronto Star, June 20, 1979).

The Toronto Star, in particular, took an advocacy position in support of Canadian resettlement of the refugees. In 1979 and 1980 it ran several news stories concerning the contributions earlier waves of refugees had made to Canadian society: "`Refugees’ Recipe is Hard Work: Guts, Ambition Put Them On The Road to Success in Canada," (Carola Vyhnak, The Toronto Star, Jan. 16, 1979); "Most Refugees are `Ideal People’, Cullen Says," (Terrance Wills and Tom Harpur, The Toronto Star, Jan. 17, 1979). Other stories in The Star during this time period were apparently intended to alleviate public anxiety over any possible negative societal impact which might arise as a consequence of admitting large numbers of Vietnamese refugees. The headlines of several articles were particularly striking in this regard: "Boat Children Quick To Learn English," (David Vienneau, The Toronto Star, July 25, 1979); "Boat People Will Adjust Easily: Metro Chinese" (Peter Goodspeed, The Toronto Star, August 9, 1979); "Viets Rescuing Our Rag Trade: Labor Starved Factories Grab Boat People to Get Machines Humming Again," (Louise Brown, The Toronto Star, August 21, 1979); "Viet Pupils May Save Our Schools," (Paul Dalby, The Toronto Star, Sept. 4, 1979).

However, not all of the articles from this initial period of large-scale resettlement can be construed as having encouraged public support for the admission of the refugees.

In the same era, a number of articles appeared which raised onimous questions about the high expense and potential impact of the "Boat People" refugee flow upon the job market, the low-income housing sector, public health, and the social service delivery system: "Viet Refugees: Metro Warned of Future Crisis," (The Toronto Star, August 8, 1979 ), "Refugees Pose Housing Problem," (Unsigned, The Globe and Mail, July 26, 1979), "Spread of Hepatitis by Refugees Feared," (Barbara Yaffe, The Globe and Mail, August 15, 1979); "Ontario Resettlement Efforts to Cost Millions, Baetz Says," (Margaret Minnewicz, The Globe and Mail, August 15, 1979);"Report Warns of `Nightmare’ in Refugee Jam," (Unsigned, The Globe and Mail, July 26, 1979). In the Fall of 1979, The Globe and Mail ran advertisements purchased by the National Citizens’ Coalition which warned of the potentially dire consequences of the impending Indochinese refugee flow upon housing, the food supply, health services, the education system, and other social service programs within Canada. These advertisements were immediately condemned by federal immigration officials and the editorial boards of several major newspapers including The Toronto Star, and The Globe and Mail.

Overall, it may be stated that the tone of the coverage at the beginning of the large scale Vietnamese refugee resettlement was generally supportive and at times stridently advocative. The Toronto newspapers including The Star, The Globe and Mail, and also The Toronto Sun attempted to solicit public acceptance and approval for the admission of significant numbers of refugees from Vietnam. The mainstream Toronto print media also offered publicity and editorial support to campaigns intended to recruit private refugee sponsors.

Early to Mid-1980s – A Predominant Focus upon Adaptation Problems and General Dysfunction Among Resettled Refugees

By the early 1980s, the overall number of articles concerned with Vietnamese refugees decreased significantly in the major Toronto newspapers. The articles that did appear increasingly adopted a far different tone. Many of them understandably focused upon general problems of adaptation experienced by the refugees in their new lives. Articles focused upon `culture shock’, language difficulties, mental health problems, unemployment, and youth gangs: "Boat People’s Hopes Fade in Metro," (Pat McMenly, The Toronto Star, March 4, 1981;) "Lost in An Alien Land: They Survived Death and Destruction in Their Own Land, But Now Thousands of Vietnamese are Trapped in Canada, Unable to Work because they know no English," (Bryan Johnson, The Globe and Mail, Aug. 28, 1982); "Boat People from Indochina Sink on Canadian Job Market," (Robert Stephen, The Globe and Mail, July 16, 1982); "Strangers in a Strange Land: Many of Toronto’s Boat People Have Only Exchanged One Horror Story for Another," (Bryan Johnson, The Globe and Mail, Sept. 24, 1983.); "Viets Struggle to Adapt in New Home: Community of 30,000 Faces Language Problems, Culture Shock," (Janice Turner, The Toronto Star, March 4 1986); "Refugee Success Story is an Uncommon Event," (Regina Hickl-Szabo, The Globe and Mail, April 23, 1985). While a few articles in this time period did emphasize the successful resettlement of many Vietnamese, the overriding emphasis of news stories in the early to mid-1980s was upon the adjustment difficulties and general social dysfunction Vietnamese refugees seemed to be experiencing within Canadian society.

The prevailing reference to persons of Vietnamese origin as "refugees" and "boat people" was a common theme in the articles which appeared in this era and has in fact continued in newspaper coverage of stories involving the Vietnamese population to the present day. One of my interview subjects noted that even the most the positive stories about Vietnamese-Canadians have tended to focus upon the "refugee" angle, discussing the personal achievements of individuals who have overcome significant obstacles. This service agency employee asked rhetorically: When will the Vietnamese people cease being "refugees" in the nomenclature of the mainstream media and begin to be considered as just regular Canadians? It would not be a stretch to extend this critique to much of the Canadian social scientific literature. Some, but certainly not all scholars who have studied Vietnamese populations in recent years continue to label their research subjects almost exclusively as "refugees" and tend to focus mostly upon social problems and adaptation difficulties while largely ignoring other aspects of social existence among a large population possessing diverse life histories and experiences.

It is worth noting that many of the Vietnamese who have come to Canada since the late 1980s have arrived as immigrants sponsored by family members and while often experiencing considerable hardship did not possess the same circumstances of adaptation as their refugee predecessors. Several of my interview subjects believe that a preoccupation with the "refugee" status of Vietnamese persons permits only a one-dimensional portrayal of the Vietnamese-Canadian experience. While it is quite important and worthwhile to study and analyze the problems of socioeconomic adaptation experienced by many Vietnamese, a sole emphasis upon the refugee experience of Vietnamese-Canadians often implies at least an indirect and underlying correlation between this population and a related pathology of social problems and dysfunction.

Mid-1980s to Present – Representations of the Vietnamese as the Racialized `Other’:`Gangs’, Organized Crime, and Criminal Fraud in the "Vietnamese Community"

By the mid-to-late 1980s, the mainstream Toronto newspapers had shifted emphasis from a focus upon general adaptation difficulties to portrayals of one particularly vivid manifestation of social dysfunction among the Vietnamese population – involvement in criminal activity. While the first crime stories involving Vietnamese-Canadians had appeared in the Toronto newspapers earlier in the decade: "Police Hunt 2 Vietnamese After Man Slain in Chinatown," (Don Dutton and Neil Coutitt, The Toronto Star, Sept. 19, 1983); "Violent Vietnamese Gangsters headed for Canada, Group Told," Rich Friedman, The Toronto Star, Oct. 26, 1984), by 1986 most newspaper stories about persons of Vietnamese-origin were crime-related. This pattern of portrayals in the Toronto print media continues to the present day.

Using CD-ROM’s compiled by Canadian News Disc, a statistical analysis was conducted to examine the content of articles mentioning the word "Vietnamese" in a Toronto or Canadian context which appeared in The Toronto Star and The Toronto Sun over selected time periods. The Toronto Star data was compiled for the dates extending from May 25, 1986 to Oct. 31, 1996. Information included from The Toronto Sun was gathered for a shorter period lasting from Jan. 31, 1994 to Oct. 31, 1996. These time periods were used because they are dates for which articles were available on CD-ROM from the two newspapers.

For the purpose of the analysis, articles appearing in these publications were classified into four categories. The first category involved news stories describing incidents of crime. The second grouping included articles focusing upon social problems and adaptation difficulties experienced by Vietnamese in the course of their interactions with the mainstream society. The third group of articles were those which discussed a variety of unfortunate incidents involving persons of Vietnamese origin – these included automobile-related casualties, accidents on the job, a death in a Toronto prison, and searches for missing Vietnamese children and disabled persons within Toronto etc. The fourth and final category included stories of a positive tone. Articles falling within this very broad classification covered a wide variety of topics.

The analysis clearly shows articles about Vietnamese persons in the two Toronto newspapers have been strongly oriented to crime-related incidents. Over the period of a decade, about 54% of the 391 articles which appeared in a keyword search of The Toronto Star CD-ROM database discussed Vietnamese involvement in crime. Slightly less than 20% of the stories in The Star focused upon the difficulties Vietnamese were experiencing in their relationships with the mainstream society. Predominant themes in this second group of stories included the opposition of Vietnamese-community activists to the collection of race-based crime statistics in the early 1990s, community protests concerning media portrayals and police mistreatment, funding woes of Vietnamese social service organizations as well as coverage of individual acts of prejudice, racism, and violence directed towards Vietnamese individuals by representatives of the criminal justice system, in the labour market, and in the Toronto schools. About 3% of the stories in The Toronto Star described accidents involving persons of Vietnamese origin. About 23% of the articles could be classified as positive stories. Articles falling within this very broad classification covered many topics including reunions of Vietnamese refugees with their family members in Canada, the annual anniversary of the Vietnamese arrival in Canada, Vietnamese New Year’s Celebrations and festivals at Vietnamese Buddhist temples, case studies of Vietnamese immigrants and refugees who have "made it" in Canadian society, write-ups of Vietnamese young people who have achieved academic and athletic success in the Toronto schools, and profiles of the work performed by social service agencies which include Vietnamese among their clients.

An overwhelming emphasis upon Vietnamese involvement in crime is apparent in the data compiled for the tabloid The Toronto Sun over a shorter time period of slightly less than three years. Over 90% of the 78 Sun articles found in the CD-ROM database which mentioned "Vietnamese" within a Canadian context described incidents of crime. About 2% of the stories focused upon social problems and difficulties experienced by the Vietnamese in their interactions with Canadian society, 1% described accidents involving persons of Vietnamese origin, while just 3% of the articles described events of a positive nature. The almost exclusively crime-oriented focus of The Sun’s coverage has made it a target of protest among Vietnamese community organizations as will be noted below.

The Mainstream Media and the Racialization Process

Racialization may be defined as the circumstances by which certain social characteristics and behaviours come to be identified with the ‘race’ or ethnic origin of individuals (Miles, 1993; Omi and Winant, 1994; Miles, and Torres, 1996). The media is a key institution in society promoting the racialization process (Satzewich, 1990; Henry 1995). Over the past decade, frequent references to Vietnamese individuals accused of involvement in criminal activity have appeared in the mainstream Toronto newspapers. Three key elements in the media’s coverage seem particularly conducive to the formation and perpetuation of negative stereotypes and the racialization of the Vietnamese-origin population in the larger public consciousness. These include the endemic practice of `race-tagging’ in newspaper stories, the positing of cultural factors as explanation for criminal behaviour among persons of Vietnamese ethnic origin and the strong correlation made in many articles between incidents involving Vietnamese and Toronto neighbourhoods with strong and often negative public connotations.

`Race-Tagging’

A number of my research informants expressed concern over the practice of `race-tagging’ – this is the identification of persons by race or ethnic origin in a news account even if these "facts" are irrelevant to the story (Fleras, 1994). Several of my interview subjects expressed anger related to their belief that the mainstream Toronto print media commonly reported the ethnicity of Vietnamese persons involved in criminal incidents but did not often do the same for persons of white European ethnic origin involved in similar types of crimes. Some of my informants expressed their view that `race-tagging’ is particularly harmful because it facilitates the development of stereotypes of Vietnamese persons as being disproportionately involved in crime compared to other segments of the population. An analysis of articles shows `race-tagging’ of Vietnamese individuals has been a common practice in the crime reporting of Toronto newspapers since the mid-1980s. A 1987 Toronto Star article about the disappearance and subsequent safe return of a 12 year old girl stated: "the girl was found in a house in North York where a group of Vietnamese youths live." The reporter apparently assumed no further explanation was needed. ("Missing Girl, 12, Found Safe, Unsigned, The Toronto Star, October 26, 1987). A 1996 article in The Star tells of the background of a woman sentenced on drug charges: "One of the original Vietnamese boat people, who spent years toiling in a Toronto garment manufacturer’s sweatshop, has been sentenced to four years for selling heroin." ("Mother Who Sold Heroin Gets Four Years in Prison," Gary Oakes, The Toronto Star, January 7, 1996).

`Race-tagging’ may be observed in the headlines of many articles: "Vietnamese Refugee Jailed One Day After Police Raid Turns Up Guns," (Darcy Henton, The Toronto Star, Sept. 1, 1988); "4 Stabbed at CNE; Black Teens Knifed, 7 Vietnamese Face Charges," (Unsigned, The Toronto Sun, August 31, 1994); "Students Imprisoned For Shooting: Vietnamese Pair Receive Long Sentences for Attack on Man, Sister," (Thomas Claridge, The Globe and Mail, June 16, 1996).

Informants note that race-tagging has been particularly common in stories about insurance and credit card fraud in Metropolitan Toronto and southern Ontario. A 1994 article about the bust of a credit card scam pointed out: "A Scarborough man, working as a night auditor at the CN tower at that time, provided the credit card information to a Vietnamese-based organization, which ran the operation from a downtown condo-minium," ("12 Arrested as Credit Card Scam Busted," Bob Mitchell, The Toronto Star, Dec. 12, 1994). "A Crash Course in Fraud", an article by a columnist in The Toronto Sun, opened with this paragraph: "Think you pay too much for car insurance? Well you probably do. And guys like Nhu Tung Dinh can provide you with a million reasons why." The writer of the column went on to note: "through a Vietnamese interpreter, Dinh has been instructed to return to see Judge Dassell on Nov. 6 to be sentenced for his role in the fraud." ("A Crash Course in Fraud," Heather Bird, The Toronto Sun, Sept. 14, 1996).

Especially inflammatory has been The Toronto Sun’s reporting on Vietnamese convicted criminals ordered deported from Canada. These stories have received much considerably more play in The Sun compared to the other Toronto dailies. Tom Godfrey, a crime beat reporter for the newspaper, has specialized in writing such stories involving Vietnamese and certain other immigrant groups. A 1995 article began: "A Vietnamese boat person ordered deported for murder may never leave because Canada has no deportation agreement with Vietnam." The article went on to note: "He fled Vietnam by boat for a Hong Kong refugee camp and was chosen by the Canadian government to resettle here." ("Killer Might Get to Stay: He’s Ordered Out But," Tom Godfrey, The Toronto Sun, Jan. 5, 1995). Other deportation stories in The Sun possessed the following headlines: "Board Deports Thug to Vietnam." (Tom Godfrey, The Toronto Sun, May 29, 1994); "Refugee Thief Gets the Boot," (Tom Godfrey, The Toronto Sun, Jan. 15, 1995); "Cost us 500Gs, Violent Vietnamese Criminal Ordered Deported," (Tom Godfrey, The Toronto Sun, June 26, 1995 ); "Lawbreakers Getting the Boot; Vietnamese, Chinese Criminals Now Face Deportation," (Tom Godfrey, The Toronto Sun, Oct. 13, 1995). Undoubtedly, The Sun’s preoccupation with these types of stories helps create a public perception that immigrants and refugees who originate from Vietnam tend to cause trouble after they come to Canada.

A "Culture of Violence"

Particularly harmful in the eyes of several of my research informants is the tendency of some criminal justice officials to make comments to the media linking criminal behaviour of perpetrators to past experiences in Vietnam and to the negative influence of Vietnamese ‘culture’ generally. Numerous examples of such statements may be gleaned from newspaper accounts over the years. A 1987 story in The Toronto Star discussed the possible involvement of Vietnamese-American gangs in criminal activity within the Toronto area. In the article, a Massachusetts police officer noted "`highly mobile’ Vietnamese gang members had come of age `in an atmosphere of violence’ in refugee camps located in Southeast Asia. ("Police Suspect U.S. Asian Gangs in Metro Holdups," Don Dutton, The Toronto Star, Jan. 23, 1987). In a 1991 Globe and Mail article, the newspaper’s police reporter, quoting Alberta police officers, attributed a string of violent crimes involved perpetrators of Vietnamese national origin to a "generation of young, often rootless males who came out of Vietnam’s postwar era." ("Police Face Long Haul in Chinatown Slayings: Reluctance of Vietnamese to Provide Information a Factor in Investigations," Timothy Appleby, The Globe and Mail, March 5, 1991). In a 1994 Toronto Sun article, a police detective stated that many immigrant youth including some Vietnamese teenagers bring the lawless elements of their countries to metro Toronto’s streets. The detective argued that in countries such as Vietnam, where abject poverty is commonplace, violence is a way of staying alive. He went on to comment: "It shouldn’t come as any surprise that when people come to Canada it is acted out." ("`Trash’ Time, Violent Teens Irk Cop," Jonathan Kingston, The Toronto Sun, Sept. 1, 1994). In a 1994 Globe and Mail article an RCMP drug officer based in British Columbia stated his belief that there is a cultural element to drug crimes committed by Vietnamese in Canada. He commented: "Vietnamese trafficking is part of their culture and what I mean by that is that these people come from a war-torn country, they’ve grown up all their lives fighting to survive each day to live; in Canada we take that for granted, we don’t understand that." ("Community Decries Crime Stigma. Drugs; While Police Say Not All Nanaimo Vietnamese Deal, Some Do, And They Represent a Big Problem." (Craig McInnes, The Globe and Mail, Nov. 22, 1994).

Intersections of `Race’, Ethnicity, and Place

Social geographers have recognized important spatial aspects of the construction of popular representations of some minority groups. These scholars have noted that racialized stereotypes of minority groups may gain a particular potency when linked with certain neighbourhoods tagged with negative public imagery (Anderson, 1987; Anderson, 1988; Anderson, 1991; Jackson, 1993; Jackson, 1994). In turn, these stereotypes may in various ways influence the life chances of minority group members living in these communities (Bauder, 1998). Many of my research informants perceive that sensationalistic media reports of a series of violent crimes perpetrated by so-called Vietnamese `gangsters’ in Toronto’s Chinatowns have left strong imprints in the collective consciousness of the host society. Several informants noted the pervasiveness of racialized stereotypes linking Vietnamese young males to gang activity perceived to be prevalent in the city’s Chinatown neighbourhoods. The enduring power of such stereotypes is easily understood considering the tone of the media’s coverage of `crime waves’ within the Chinatowns during the late 1980s and the early 1990s, as well as the ongoing reports linking so-called Vietnamese `gangs’ to crimes occurring in Toronto’s Chinatowns. Articles in these earlier time periods were filled with sensationalistic language. A 1986 Toronto Star article headlined: "Terror in Chinatown: Gangs Put Chinatown Under Siege" stated: "In Toronto’s Chinatown, many are talking openly of their fear and anger over the new wave of extortions, robberies, and other violence. The victims blame much of the trouble on a small group within the community, mainly new gangs of young Vietnamese – and police agree." The same article continued with a quotation from a Chinatown businessman: "They don’t respect life at all after years of war…They are not afraid of police, of the courts, of jail. They are not even afraid of dying." ("Terror in Chinatown: Gangs Put Chinatown Under Siege," Don Dutton and Cal Millar, The Toronto Star, September 6, 1986).

A January 1991 article in The Star headlined "New Gangs Terrorize Chinatown" used particularly vivid language to portray Vietnamese `gangsters’ working in Toronto’s Chinatowns: "They live for automatic handguns, designer clothes, and $150 a bottle cognac. They kill for almost any reason. They are metro’s most feared criminals – newcomers in Vietnamese and Chinese gangs whose savage violence has even old secret crime society Triad society members living in fear." "...With meat cleavers, knives, and guns these youthful criminals prey on Asian business people and families already established here, police say." "…Their methods are extremely violent" ("New Gangs Terrorize Chinatown", Peter Edwards and Cal Millar, The Toronto Star, Jan. 13, 1991). Other headlines from the same time period discussed the suspected involvement of Vietnamese `gangs’ in several Chinatown crimes: "Shooting Fuels Fear in Chinatown residents," (Tony Wong and Dale Brazao, The Toronto Star, February 5, 1991); "Chinatown Greets Its New Year Uneasily," (Tony Wong, The Toronto Star, Feb. 16, 1991); "Killings, Stabbings, and Robberies Leave Residents Living in Fear," (Unsigned, The Toronto Star, March 4, 1991); "Chinatown Killings Haunt Immigrants,"(Unsigned, The Toronto Star, March 10, 1991); "Meat Cleaver Used in Chinatown Attack," (Unsigned, The Toronto Star, March 15, 1991).

Also in 1991, at the time of a string of violent crimes in Chinatown, the national news magazine Maclean’s featured a cover story headlined "Terror in the Streets: Young Asian Gangs Are Spreading Fear, Violence – And Death – in Canadian Cities." (Brian Bergman, Maclean’s, March 23, 1991). On the front cover of this issue was a photo of an Asian man wearing a leather jacket perched against a dark brick wall, waiting to fire a pistol. Inside the magazine, several pages of sensationalistic text and photos discussed the growing scourge of Vietnamese and Chinese gangs in major Canadian cities including Toronto. A sidebar in the table of contents placed next to a grisly photo of a crime victim read: "Terror in the Streets: Young ruthless Vietnamese and Chinese gangsters are pursuing their criminal ambitions and deadly turf wars with a ferocity that is establishing a new threshold of violence in Canadian cities. Their activities range from armed robbery and extortion to prostitution and heroin trafficking."

Two years later, Toronto Life magazine featured its own very detailed and sensationalistic account of Vietnamese `gang’ activities in Toronto’s Chinatowns: ("Murder at the Kim Bo: Vietnamese Gangs Are the New Scourge of Chinatown and a 1990 Murder at a Dundas Street Restaurant Illustrates the Many Difficulties of Solving and Persecuting Their Crimes," Gina Mallet, Toronto Life, February 1993.) This particular article was accompanied by gory pictures from Chinatown crime scenes and mugshots of alleged Vietnamese gangsters.

Over the past decade, the Toronto newspapers have also contained many reports situating crimes involving Vietnamese victims and perpetrators within two neighbour-hoods widely identified in the Toronto public consciousness with low income housing, prostitution, drug dealing, and violence. Several articles have linked Vietnamese crime to the Parkdale neighbourhood in Toronto’s west end. Some of these stories have discussed the suspected involvement of organized Vietnamese gangs in heroin trafficking in the neighbourhood: "More Shops to be Closed in Drug Battle," (Royson James and Jim Byersk, The Toronto Star, Aug. 12, 1989); "Parkdale Residents Protest Bail Releases," (Moira Welsh, The Toronto Star, March 29, 1993; "Store Licence at Stake in Parkdale Drug Fight," (Mark Zwolinski, The Toronto Star, June 11, 1993). A Toronto Sun story which appeared in 1995 conjured up imagery linking Vietnamese to the drug trade in Parkdale. The following is an excerpt from this article: "Nick sees no irony in his words, sitting here waiting to peddle his heroin while on parole and living in a halfway house. No damage, he says, but here he is still shooting up, still hustling his heroin to the working girls of Parkdale. He’s a dealer with a conscience of course. He buys his rock of heroin from only one `reputable’ Vietnamese supplier whose quality is safe. He would never sell to kids, he says, or novices." ("Smack’s Back, Heroin So Pure It Can Kill Before the Needle Out of the Arm is Flooding Metro Like Never Before. And It’s So Cheap Its Becoming Fashionable," Michele Mandele, The Toronto Sun, Feb. 26, 1995).

Several newstories have reported violent crimes involving patrons of Vietnamese national origin which have occurred at karoake bars located on Ossington Street in Parkdale: `Karoake Killer, 21, Gets Life Sentence," (Gary Oakes, The Toronto Star, Jan. 13, 1994), "Killer Gets Life; Shot 2 Men in Karoake Bar," (Tracy Nesdoly, The Toronto Sun, Jan. 13, 1994), "Robber Jailed Four Years: Karoake Bandit", (Sam Pazano, The Toronto Sun, Sept. 9, 1994). To most Torontonians whose only exposure to Vietnamese nightlife comes through such newstories, these portrayals of Chinatown and Parkdale streetscapes dotted with all-night Vietnamese karoake bars and cafes represents an exotic underworld of the ‘other’ with seedy and often violent undertones.

Numerous articles have also identified Vietnamese involvement in criminal activity in the Jane-Finch area, a neighbourhood in suburban Toronto which has long been linked in the racialized media discourse with low-income high-rise housing and violent crime involving minority groups (Jackson, 1993, Henry, 1994; Henry, 1995). A 1990 Toronto Star article about a physical altercation contained the following paragraph: "The two victims who spoke only Vietnamese, would tell police little about what they were doing in the Jane-Finch area shortly before 1 A.M yesterday," ("Retaliation Feared After Stabbing," Unsigned, The Toronto Star, August 17, 1990). Crime digests over the past decade have frequently made reference to Vietnamese involvement in incidents occuring in the "Jane-Finch" neighbourhood. To summarize, the media’s association of Vietnamese involvement with crime with Chinatown, Parkdale, and the Jane-Finch neighbourhood has served to strengthen public perceptions of the deviant character of of persons of Vietnamese origin and this is especially so given the fact that both neighbourhoods possess sizable Vietnamese residential concentrations. It is not difficult to see how the opportunities for mobility and life chances of Vietnamese young persons coming of age in such communities as Parkdale and Jane-Finch could be negatively impacted by such imagery. For example, the possession of a home address associated with the Jane-Finch or Parkdale neighbourhoods could potentially influence the behaviour of criminal justice officials, educators, and prospective employers they might come into contact with.

THE RESPONSE OF VIETNAMESE-CANADIAN

COMMUNITY ORGANIZATIONS

Protesting media portrayals, Vietnamese organizations including the Vietnamese Association of Toronto, the Metro Toronto Chinese and Southeast Asian Legal Aid Clinic, the Vietnamese Community of North York, and the Society of Vietnamese-Canadian Professionals have written and phoned mainstream newspapers. A coalition of Vietnamese organizations signed a letter of protest to The Toronto Sun following a series of particularly inflammatory articles in 1994. The Society of Vietnamese-Canadian Professionals (SCVP) has been especially active in challenging media representations of persons of Vietnamese origin. This organization owes its existence to the anger local police practices and media portrayals generated among its founding members in the early 1990s. At a 1993 symposium also attended by representatives of the police and Asian community groups, Michael Dang, a spokesperson for the society, made the following statement:

"The Toronto Sun never ceases to amaze the public with these kinds of headlines: `Trouble in Little Saigon, Two Shot Dead at Vietnamese Café’; `Two Vietnamese Young Men Were Shot to Death…’ `A New Street War in Metro’s Asian Community.’ These are the images the media paints of our community." "…The media does not realize that criminal elements welcome these sensational writings. It reigns fear, submission, and intimidation to our community, just as they want it. These images are also a potential fuel for the building of stereotypes and racial prejudices. This is at a time when our community are working very hard to integrate with the rest of Canada, when Vietnamese youths are excelling in schools and athletics. If this trend is allowed to continue unabated, the media will be seen to build further barriers for Vietnamese youths within our society, from education to employment."

Mr. Dang continued: "Here are our community’s requests: Foremost we would like the (police) force to be open to the public yet be sensitive when releasing racial info of individuals involved in criminal activity. We feel that the police could not possibly check the true identity of the individual at the scene of a crime to know whether that Asian person is a Vietnamese, a Chinese-Vietnamese, or any other Asian descent when this info is given to the media. To the media, we feel they are doing us an injustice by portraying our community as being chaotic and youth-gang mongering. They should strike a balance and copy the example of the media in the U.S. and Europe who published stories depicting our achievements since the `boat people’ era." (Michael Dang, Vice-President, Society of Vietnamese-Canadian Professionals, Police Community Partnership: A Presentation at the Symposium on Policing, January 27, 1993, Regal Constellation Hotel, Toronto).

At a 1994 joint Conference on Asian Communities and Policing with the Metropolitan Toronto Police and several Chinese organizations, the Society recommended that the police not use the descriptions "Vietnamese" and "Oriental" when they disclose crime information to the news media. If it was deemed necessary to provide a description of a perpetrator it was suggested that the less harmful term "Asian" be used. At the time, a police media relations officer stated that he would ask his office to implement the recommendation. This organization’s request of the police demonstrates its recognition of the important interrelationship between police officers and crime reporters in the dissemination of public stereotypes of persons of Vietnamese origin in Canadian society. Members of the Society of Vietnamese-Canadian Professionals also met with the editor of The Toronto Sun in 1994 with the goal of sensitizing him to the negative impact of his newspaper’s reporting practices.

II. THE VIETNAMESE AND THE

CRIMINAL JUSTICE SYSTEM IN TORONTO

A number of informants argued that Vietnamese-Canadians have commonly experienced prejudice, discrimination, and mistreatment in their encounters with representatives of the criminal justice system in the Toronto area. Three informants who have counseled low-income Vietnamese clients at a legal aid clinic pointed out that in the course of their work they have heard of many cases of mistreatment of Vietnamese persons at the hands of law enforcement officers. The legal aid counselors argued that among the Vietnamese population there are widespread perceptions that the police on occasion harass Vietnamese individuals, asking for their identity in various situations. The counselors had heard first-hand of many incidents in which Vietnamese motorists believed they were singled out as a visible minority, stopped by police, and given tickets for minor infractions including violations of seatbelt laws. Harassment by mall security staff is also perceived to be commonplace. The legal aid workers related a number of incidents in which they believed Vietnamese were unjustly suspected of shoplifting. One of the counselors noted that he himself was once handcuffed by a police officer for a few minutes following a false accusation of shoplifting at the Eaton Centre in downtown Toronto.

Several informants stated that many of the problems with law enforcement are the result of cultural misunderstandings and language barriers, as well as the prejudices of individual police officers. Cultural misunderstandings have followed from differences in verbal communication norms. In Vietnamese culture, it is normative to avoid direct eye contact when engaged in conservation with a person commanding a show of respect because a stare is perceived to be a challenge and a sign of disrespect. There have been cases in Toronto in which Vietnamese individuals felt that the police perceived them to be guilty because they avoided eye contact while being questioned.

Many of my informants stated that the language barrier often places Vietnamese persons at a distinct disadvantage when dealing with law enforcement officers. The legal aid counselors noted several specific incidents in which their Vietnamese clients were charged with crimes largely because of their inability to communicate effectively with officers in English. Many of these situations involved fights at bars or clubs and auto accidents in which the other party spoke English fluently. The counselors also mentioned numerous cases in which the language barrier contributed to a "banned for life" penalty for Vietnamese individuals accused of shoplifting.

An informant who has volunteered as a Vietnamese-language translator in the courts observed that many of the lawyers who are hired with public money from the legal aid program do not adequately defend their Vietnamese clients. This volunteer translator has met Vietnamese convicted in the courts who have told him that their lawyers did not explain anything to them. Rather, they told their clients to "just say yes" and plead guilty. Some of these persons, who spoke little English, landed in correctional institutions with little idea of what had transpired in the courtroom in which they were convicted. A legal aid counselor argued that many police officers who encounter situations involving Vietnamese persons do not feel like going through the hassle of getting an interpreter, especially given the requirement that a report describing any given incident must be filed within 24 hours of its occurring.

Several informants believe that racialized stereotypes of the Vietnamese are common among some members of the police force. These stereotypes probably have much of their origin in the incidents of drug-running, prostitution, bribery, home invasions, violent crime and general "gang" activity involving some Vietnam-born individuals which have been strongly sensationalized in the mainstream Toronto media in the past decade. Informants related numerous situations in which Vietnamese persons stated that believed they had received improper treatment from law enforcement officials as a result of their ethnic origin. One such incident received public attention in 1993 when a Metropolitan Toronto police constable was convicted of insubordination by a police complaints commission board of inquiry due to his conduct in a 1991 incident. The inquiry found that the officer had stopped a 30 year old Vietnamese dental assistant for speeding as she was driving her car to attend to 6 A.M. religious services. The officer angrily ordered the woman out of her car and immediately drew his revolver to his side. The inquiry reported: "As she was walking towards the constable, he raised his gun, holding it in two hands, and pointed it at her, and at some point, perhaps when she reached her designated destination at the front of his car, he told her at least once not to move or else, `I’ll shoot your head off.’ The woman was handcuffed by another officer. Her new white Honda was searched for drugs, weapons, alcohol, and stolen property, but nothing illegal was found. The women was eventually released without charges. At the inquiry, the officer testified that he had feared while following the woman that she may have been one of four male Vietnamese homicide suspects wanted in a province-wide alert at the time. However, the inquiry commissioner wrote that this was a far-fetched and strange suspicion. Inquiry documents stated that none of the suspects matched the woman in physical description, not to mention gender, and the suspects themselves were reported to be driving a blue sedan." ("Officer Convicted for Drawing Gun: Shocked Motorist Was Told Her Head Would Be `Shot Off’ Police Board Finds," Joseph Hall, The Toronto Star, May 5, 1993).

In another case that received media attention, in 1990 a provincial judge based in Toronto publicly acknowledged that he singled out certain Vietnamese defendants for severe sentences. Explaining why he was sending a first-time offender to prison on a relatively minor offence of improperly storing a firearm, the judge stated: "In Toronto, in these courtrooms, sometimes I send young men from Vietnam to jail rather severely on offences. They’ve been in Canada a short time, they’ve been in Canada a year or two or three, and I have to work out a kind of sentence that appears to have no bias. We’re supposed to treat everyone in front of us in the same way. Again and again I have to lay out – thankfully not again and again but often – have to lay out sentences trying to make it clear that in the circumstances of the recent immigrant’s arrival into Canada, on a charge of threatening or extortion, that’s sometimes connected with Vietnamese gangs, and sometimes with not too much evidence in front of me on a sentence hearing, I lay out some severe sentences that wouldn’t apply in the same set of facts with someone who’d been in Canada 20 or 30 years."("Investigate this Judge," Unsigned Editorial, The Toronto Star, April 22, 1993, p. A26)

Agencies representing the Vietnamese population have engaged in a range of activities intended to increase police sensitivity and facilitate improved relations between the police and the Vietnamese population. As noted above, the Society of Vietnamese-Canadian Professionals was brought into existence as a result of the concern of its founding members over police and media stereotyping of the Vietnamese population. According to the society’s vice president, the public comments of a Metropolitan Toronto police officer served as a key stimulus prompting a small group of Vietnam-born engineers and teachers to organize the new association. In the summer of 1991, the police sergeant proclaimed that he had collected data which indicated that Vietnamese and mainland Chinese were responsible for the "vast majority" of all crime in Toronto’s 350,000 member Asian community. These two groups, he continued, should be "targeted" by immigration investigators for tough measures to identify "phony refugees". To do otherwise, the police sergeant said, would be "hiding our heads in the sand." ("Asian Crime Remarks Trigger New Race Row," The Toronto Star, July 28, 1991, p. B4). The sergeant was disciplined by the Metro Police Services Board for his comments. The board had declared two years earlier that the police force would no longer compile statistics relating crime to race.

The founding members of the Society of Vietnamese-Canadian Professionals were outraged by the police sergeant’s statements. According to the society’s vice president, the initial activities of the new organization involved "damage control". The society worked with other advocacy groups - the Chinese-Canadian National Council and the Metro Chinese and Southeast Asian Legal Aid Clinic to initiate discussions with the police. Leaders of the new organization demanded accountability in the work of the police with Vietnamese persons. Members of the society talked to police officials to try to educate them about the background and culture of the Vietnamese, attempting to raise their awareness about Vietnamese concerns in regard to police mistreatment. With the participation of several Chinese organizations as well as the Vietnamese Association of Toronto and representatives of the Metropolitan Toronto police, the society organized conferences on Asian Communities and the Police in 1992, 1993, and 1994. These meetings were funded by the now-disbanded Anti-Racism Secretariat within the Ontario Ministry of Citizenship. At these seminars, special discussion was given to key differences between Vietnamese and Canadian culture which might impact the interactions of law enforcement officers with persons of Vietnamese origin. More specifically, officers were asked to bring in social workers in situations of domestic abuse as opposed to pressing charges under Canadian law. At the conferences, other issues were addressed as well. The Vietnamese and Chinese organizations lobbied against the compilation of crime statistics tied to race. A spokesperson for SVCP noted that only three Vietnamese-speaking officers were employed on a Metropolitan Toronto police force of about 5,400 uniformed officers. Suggestions were given on how to improve Vietnamese representation in law enforcement. Spokepersons for Vietnamese organizations also asked the police to be more sensitive in the information they share with the media.

In sum, events in the early 1990s served as the impetus for community activism carried out with the goal of improving relations between the Vietnamese population and the police force. Representatives of several organizations engaged in discussions with police officials to facilitate cultural sensitivity and awareness among the police force, improve Vietnamese representation on the force, and sensitize police to the role they play in manufacturing public stereotypes as they speculate about the race or ethnicity of accused criminals to crime beat reporters.

SUMMARY AND CONCLUSION

The mainstream Toronto media has played an important role in shaping the context of reception Vietnamese refugees and immigrants have encountered in the city. In the late 1970s, the Toronto newspapers offered considerable encouragement and support for the large-scale resettlement of Vietnamese refugees within Canada. Within a few years, the media reoriented its focus to the social problems and difficulties with adaptation that many Vietnamese-Canadians experienced. By the mid-to-late 1980s, Vietnamese involvement in criminal activity was the predominant emphasis of local newspaper accounts. Many of these crime stories focused on violent crime identified with Vietnamese `gangs’. While it may be argued that the media were justifiably focusing public attention on a compelling social issue in Canadian society, the content of these crime reports, some of which used quite sensationalized language, clearly also served to racialize the Vietnamese as a problem group within the consciousness of the larger Toronto public.

The daily Toronto newspapers also began identifying the Vietnamese origin of suspected criminals in even the briefest crime digest reports. The ‘race-tagging’ was included in accounts of crimes such as drug-dealing, prostitution, and credit card as well as accident claim fraud. These are the very same types of crimes which the newspapers report on a daily basis usually without any mention of the ethnic or ‘racial’ identity of those involved. The fact that Toronto media outlets felt compelled to provide the Vietnamese identity of individuals involved in these capsule reports helped perpetuate a "common sense" linkage in public perceptions between persons of Vietnamese origin and involvement in crime.

Within a short period of time, the news media’s `race-tagging’ provoked a response from several Vietnamese community organizations. Representatives of these groups attempted to sensitize the management of the mainstream publications to the potential impact of their newspaper’s reporting practices upon the adaptation of Vietnamese individuals within the mainstream society. Community activists feared harmful stereotypes were negatively influencing the interactions of Vietnamese-Canadians with the labour market, the education sector, and the criminal justice system n Toronto. The protests of the community groups met with some success. Most of my research informants believe the protests have been largely responsible for somewhat improved media portrayals since 1994. While ‘race-tagging’ has not completely disappeared from crime stories involving persons of Vietnamese origin, an analysis shows the practice has become notably less common in all three of the mainstream Toronto newspapers since the mid-1990s. However, despite the perceptions of improvement in recent years, there is continuing concern among most informants that the reporting of previous years has left its toll contributing to enduring negative images of Vietnamese-Canadians within the larger public consciousness.

The second half of the chapter addressed the relationship between the Vietnamese population and the criminal justice system. Similar to the experiences of other minority groups in Toronto and other North American cities, persons of Vietnamese ethnic origin have occasionally experienced tension in their interactions with representatives of the law enforcement system. Cultural misconceptions, the language barrier, and the extreme underrepresentation of the Vietnamese and other Asians on the police force have all contributed to problematic police-community relations. This environment provided the stimulus for several Vietnamese and Southeast Asian organizations to initiate consultations with representatives of the police force in the early 1990s. Staffers of several ethnic organizations argued that the racialized stereotypes possessed by some criminal justice officials are particularly harmful and may negatively influence the long-term life chances of many Vietnamese young people in Canadian society. It is in the mainstream news media where such racialized imagery achieves popular currency. Certain scholars have recognized that `Race-Tagging’ in crime reporting is a function of the information-sharing relationship between the police and crime beat reporters. Stereotypes linking race, ethnicity, and crime existing among individual police officers and other criminal justice officials are commonly disseminated into the wider public consciousness in news accounts of criminal incidents. Recognizing the reciprocal relationship among the police and the news media in furthering racialized stereotypes, an advocacy organization based in Toronto – the Society of Vietnamese Professionals met with police officials in an attempt to sensitize the force to the negative consequences of speculating about the race or ethnicity of those involved in various criminal offences to reporters.

To Chapter 11


Abstract/Acknowledgements/Table of Contents - [ Chapters - 1 - 2 - 3 - 4 - 5 - 6 - 7 - 8 - 9 - 10 - 11 ] -  Appendices - References Cited


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