PREFACE i

EXECUTIVE SUMMARY iv

I. RATIONALE AND OBJECTIVES OF RESEARCH 1

Rationale for Research on Youth 1

Research Objectives of the Six Partnering Agencies 2

II. REVIEW OF THE LITERATURE 6

Health and Mental Health 6

Educational Attainment 11

Access To Employment And Economic Mobility 18

Social Services 21

III. METHODOLOGY 26

Individual Methods 27

Composition of Focus Groups 30

IV. DISCUSSION OF FINDINGS 31

Language Proficiency Difficulties 33

Factors Relating to the Integration of Newcomer Youth 36

Factors Facilitating Successful Integration 43

Immigration Experience and the Transition to Employment 50

Summary 51

VIII. APPENDICES

1. Report: Centre for Research and Education for Human Services
2. Report: Coalition of Visible Minority Women
3. Report: Council of Agencies Serving South Asians
4. Report: Family Service Association of Toronto
5. Report: Joint Centre of Excellence for Research on Immigration and Settlement-Toronto
6. Report: Pinecrest-Queensway Health and Community Services
7. Report: Pinecrest-Queensway Health and Community Services
8. Report: Centre for Refugee Studies

The Ontario Region Settlement Directorate of Citizen and Immigration Canada issued a call for proposals on immigrant youth needs to explore the different aspects of the youth immigrant settlement process in terms of "best practices" for youth. Six organisations were awarded the commission. They are: the Joint Centre of Excellence for Research on Immigration and Settlement – Toronto (CERIS), the Family Service Association of Toronto (FSA), the Centre for Research and Education in Health Services in Kitchener/Waterloo (CREHS), the Council of Agencies Serving South Asians (CASSA), working as a partner agency to the South Asian Women’s Centre (SAWC), Pinecrest-Queensway Health and Community Services – Ottawa/Carleton (PQCHS) and the Coalition of Visible Minority Women (CVMW).

The six organisations conducting this research into the needs of immigrant youth have all had extensive previous experience dealing with issues of settlement, immigration and youth concerns. Moreover, based on their previous experience and work, each brings a unique perspective to the project by focusing on different contexts and aspects of the youth experience and settlement process.

A non-profit organisation specialized in community-based research, CREHS is located in Kitchener. Its research approach – participatory, action-oriented, ecological and non-experimental – is based on an eighteen-year history of doing research in a way that reflects the voices of groups and individuals who as active participants have a stake in the research subjects and process. Participants involved in this type of research take ownership of the knowledge generated by identifying the nature, goals and objectives of the research, developing research questions and instruments, collecting information, and taking part in the decision-making process. The organisation’s excellent track record in using this research approach has facilitated the building of partnerships among professionals, family members, community members, policy makers, academic researchers and service providers.

The Council of Agencies Serving South Asians working as a partner agency to the South Asian Women’s Centre (CASSA/SAWC)

CASSA, an umbrella organisation, founded in 1988 and incorporated in 1991, brings together several member agencies serving the South Asian community. It advocates and supports South Asian issues through research, community development, training, volunteer development, information, and referral, as well as through its support to the settlement sector. SAWC, a settlement and service provider, has been working with Toronto’s South Asian community for the past fifteen years. It provides numerous settlement programs and services to the diverse South Asian community, which is composed of over 28 language groups, and almost as many cultural and religious groups. Together, the partnering agencies possess a solid research background that brings a vast amount of professional knowledge and experience to dealing with issues pertaining to immigration in general, and to South Asian newcomers in particular.

Helping more than 20,000 families and individuals per year, FSA is a non-profit social service agency that has been working with communities in Toronto for over 85 years. FSA’s work has benefited many individuals through its provision of education, counseling, and intervention and community support programs. Its focus since 1994 on research and programs for refugees and immigrants has helped many newcomers confront multifaceted settlement challenges and facilitated their adaptation process to Canadian life. FSA’s previous experience of dealing with newcomer youth and their families, and in particular its focus on the interpersonal and intra-personal dimensions of settlement, bring a unique and insightful perspective to the organisation’s research.

As a community health centre, PQCHS has been working to provide social and health services to communities in west-end Ottawa since 1979. Its newcomer-based programs include an immigrant women’s program, LINC, and employment orientation. The organisation’s involvement and collaboration with a number of social agencies (Children’s Aid society of Ottawa/Carleton, Home Management Services, Program Against Abuse) and its work with a variety of health service components (primary health, mental health, health promotion, crisis intake, community health), give it an in-depth perspective on the issues faced by immigrant youth.

Since its founding in 1983 as a non-profit organisation, CVMW has been providing settlement services to visible minority women, newcomer families, refugees and youth. Engaged in advocacy, lobbying, orientation, education, settlement, and support services for those it works with, it also places an emphasis on newcomer youth issues.

From its inception in 1996, CERIS has engaged in interdisciplinary research that focuses on the impact of immigration in the GTA. In recognizing the "contribution of different methodologies including archival study, ethnographic investigation, statistical analysis of existing data sets, case studies, epidemiology and community surveys," CERIS attempts to "foster research collaboration among universities, between universities and community agencies, and across disciplinary boundaries," (CERIS web site) In this way, as one of its objectives, it emphasizes issues pertaining to the needs of youth who immigrate to Canada and the needs of the children of immigrants. Previous work conducted by CERIS identifies a significant gap between the needs of immigrant youth and the existing services available to them.

Six organizations conducted research on the needs of immigrant youth in Ontario and the ways those needs were being met. Funded by the Ontario Administration for Settlement and Integration Services, the research was intended to be collaborative in its common focus, its selection of youth who had entered Canada after their sixth birthday, the division of the variety of immigrant groups among the researchers, linked to their location, and the inclusion of qualitative methods that would allow the voices of youth to be clearly reflected in the findings. The six research teams were the Centre for Research and Education in Human Services in Kitchener (CREHS), the Coalition of Visible Minority Women in Toronto (CVMW), the Council of Agencies Serving South Asians (with the South Asian Women=s Centre) in Toronto (CASSA), the Family Service Association of Toronto (FSA), the Joint Centre of Excellence for Research on Immigration and Settlement - Toronto (CERIS), and Pinecrest-Queensway Health and Community Services, in Ottawa (PQHCS).

Methods included extensive literature reviews, key informant interviews, focus groups of youth, family members, and service providers, psychological tests, and surveys.

Findings of the six projects, amalgamated by the CERIS team into this report, show that language difficulties are one of the most pervasive sources of challenges for these youth in all the spheres of their lives: education, employment, health, and well-being. Moreover, difficulties faced by all adolescents in moving to adulthood become compounded by the immigration experience, and render the youth more vulnerable to outcomes of failure in a number of ways, linked to their age at migration, personal factors, the nature of their uprooting and migration experience, and tensions between them and their families and friends based on challenges posed by cultural differences. These are different across gender, religion and ethno-racial lines, but all can be painful for the youth and seriously impede the successful integration they desire. Facilitating this successful integration are supportive friends, extended family, and community institutions that offer well-designed, appropriate programs; militating against it are discrimination, harassment, and even violence in their communities and its institutions.

Recommendations for public policy emerging from the research focus on ways to support not only the youth as individuals but also the families in which they are members, the peer groups to which they want to belong, and the larger community and its critical institutions.

I. RATIONALE AND OBJECTIVES OF RESEARCH

One of the most cosmopolitan cities in the world, Toronto has received international recognition for its multicultural diversity, inviting business environment and excellent quality of life. Its ability to integrate cultural and racial diversity into the very fabric of life makes the city one of the world’s best places to live. As a result, many people seeking to create better opportunities for themselves and for their families choose to live in Toronto; others fleeing persecution as refugees come to Toronto either alone or to join family members. In recognizing the diverse needs of particular ethnic groups, Toronto brings together people from different cultures and backgrounds into a haven that has long been celebrated for its multiculturalism and diversity. Data from the 1996 Census show that 77.2 percent of all immigrants to Canada between 1991 and 1996 came from Asia, the Middle East, Africa, Central and South America and the Caribbean (Statistics Canada, 1996).

It is estimated that of the approximately 200,000 individuals – both immigrants and refugees – who settle in Canada each year, more than half relocate somewhere in Ontario. Over 70,000 of these arrive in Toronto every year. For example, 42 percent of all arrivals to Canada finally settled in Toronto between 1991 and 1996 (Doucet 1999:4). Today, the immigrant population in Toronto constitutes 48 percent of the population of the entire city and it is likely that this influx will continue to escalate as the annual target rate for immigrants and refugees has been set at over 225,000. With this in mind, it becomes crucial that service providers and policy makers improve settlement service practices for the growing number of immigrant and refugee clients. Such improvements must be initiated, not only to accommodate the needs of the sheer magnitude of newcomers to the GTA but also to facilitate their adaptation in ways that will help preserve their languages, cultural traditions and lifestyles.

A significant area of concern for service providers and policy makers is the country’s newcomer youth population. As today’s growth in immigrant settlement continues to rise, a large proportion of youth under the age of 24 also settles in the Toronto area with their families. According to a 1998 report by the Canadian Council on Social Development (CCSD) on the progress of Canada’s children, there is a notable growth in the number of newcomer youth residing in Canada, especially in urban centres (CCSD, 1998). For example, between 1991 and 1996, the number of immigrant youth in Canada escalated by 26 percent. In addition, 30 percent of the youth population in Toronto is composed of immigrants.

With the size of this population group becoming larger and with the federal government’s commitment to increasing its current level of immigrant intake, it is important to find ways of ensuring that the needs and concerns of newcomer youth are addressed effectively. To do this requires obtaining relevant and current information about immigrant youth issues, conducting research that specifically targets newcomer youth and providing adequate settlement services that can meet the diverse needs of this group. Finding ways both to integrate cultural diversity and to help individuals retain and express their own uniqueness is one of the major challenges faced by service providers and policy makers. Consequently, a more holistic perspective to understanding the unique experiences of newcomer youth is needed (McDonnel and Hill, 1993:101-111). In the past, research has focused predominantly on the general needs and concerns of immigrant adults and children of elementary school ages. There is, however, an apparent lack of such research that could illuminate the unique needs of newcomer adolescents. In order to determine the types of programs and services that are beneficial to the settlement and integration of immigrant youth, it is important to identify and catalogue the diverse needs among youth of different ethno-cultural backgrounds.

In view of the paucity of existing information about the issues of immigrant youth and of the growing need to respond to them effectively, this project’s objectives were to identify the needs, experiences, and concerns of immigrant youth from different cultural and racial backgrounds and to ascertain the gaps between their perceived needs and existing services. To facilitate such an endeavour, the six organisations involved in this collaborative project focused on different ethnic groups and on issues that pertained to specific aspects of the youth settlement process. Emphasis was also placed on integrating the concerns of parents, community members and service providers, as these concerns tend to describe more clearly the issues that immigrant families as a whole confront, as well as youth. The specific objectives of the organisations reflect these aims, while they also focus on areas that concern the particular work of each organization.

CREHS’s work has functioned both to understand and examine the challenges faced by immigrant youth and their families in the Kitchener/Waterloo area throughout the settlement process and to identify gaps between youth’s expectations and the existing service programs and facilities. It has also sought to identify concrete strategies and practices for supporting the integration of newcomer youth from diverse cultural and racial backgrounds into their region. Indirectly, the process of carrying out research in this manner became a way to enhance services for immigrant youth immediately, as it focused on the lives of youth as entities nested within broader systems composed of family, school, and community and it allowed youth to voice their concerns and problems so that they could take ownership of the knowledge created and act on it.

The focus CASSA/SAWC has taken reflects both organisations’ long commitment to "exploring, deciphering and decoding the lived realities of South Asian youth living in Toronto." In terms of their collaborative study, the partnering agencies hoped to understand how cultural and racial differences affect youth identity formation, how coping mechanisms are utilized to facilitate settlement, and how dual needs of both conforming to and resisting the host culture impact on youth settlement. The research identified the issues faced by South Asian youth and their families, themselves a very diverse group, in settling into life in the GTA.

FSA’s approach has been to explore some of the psychological factors that have an effect on the settlement, adaptation and integration process of youth. Their research sought to uncover the knowledge and skills required for better adjustment and integration. The study targeted external factors that affect the settlement process of youth groups in general, such as interpersonal demands (e.g., new school, teachers, peers), and also factors influencing the settlement process that are specific to individual personality traits, such as personality determinants (individual adaptation responses to different experiences), personal satisfaction (with oneself, parents, guardians, classmates, school and teachers) and attitude toward Canadian society (how one conceptualizes mainstream culture and values). In this way, it addressed the adaptation mechanisms individual youth utilise in their settlement process. These factors, according to the FSA, not only affect youth settlement but also play a large role in their future in Canada in terms of their mental health, academic success, and integration into Canadian society.

4) Pinecrest-Queensway Health and Community Services – Ottawa/Carleton (PQCHS) PQCHS has identified, through a series of initiatives producing anecdotal evidence, that barriers to employment are a key component in the issues facing newcomer youth in the Ottawa/Carleton Region. Its objective, therefore, has been to explore youth settlement issues in terms of employment in particular, and in terms of overall integration and adaptation in general. By defining some of the issues faced by immigrant youth in the labour force, PQCHS hopes that existing services and programs may become more sensitive to the needs of youth in the community and new strategies may be implemented to help youth acquire and maintain good employment.

CVMW’s approach was based on the observation that existing services, such as English as a Second Language (ESL), do not successfully address issues arising from language and communication barriers that hinder the settlement process of English-speaking African and Caribbean immigrants in Canada. By singling out these two groups for particular, much needed attention, the organisation identified relationships among level of language proficiency and barriers in education, training, the law, and career attainment. To identify these obstacles more clearly, one of the agency’s objectives was to identify gaps in services for youth seeking employment and to explore some of the chronic unemployment issues facing newcomer youth because of language, communication and other related barriers to integration.

CERIS’s research has focused on the needs and concerns of newcomer youth and the "emerging best practices" employed by service providers who attempt to meet those needs and thus support the integration of immigrant youth into Canadian society. To identify "best practices" for providing and maintaining effective settlement programs and service delivery, CERIS examined the effects of settlement on newcomer youth from different cultural and racial backgrounds by identifying the needs of immigrant youth as they and their parents see them, and surveying 145 service providers who provide education, employment, health, and social services to newcomer youth. Research conducted by CERIS indicates strong agreement among service providers across all sectors that newcomer youth needs vary by cultural and racial background, and by gender, and that there is not nearly enough support for these youth, particularly in the educational settings where they can most easily be reached.

The information gathered by all the researchers is very useful in identifying issues, needs and problems confronted by a wide range of newcomer youth and their families. Individually and collectively, the six studies will no doubt prove useful to a variety of settlement-linked institutions and organisations and provide them with information about effective programs and gaps in the existing service delivery infrastructure. The information will moreover, help funders to understand the benefits of the programs they support, and further to strengthen their presence in the lives of immigrant youth and their families. The findings, recommendations, and conclusions also offer practical suggestions and insights to assist government officials and service providers in creating and enhancing programs and facilities to meet the settlement needs of immigrant youth.

At the outset of the project, extensive literature searches were carried out by each of the six organisations in order to determine the extent of existing research about immigrant youth issues in their areas of interest and to carry out current research in ways that did not overlap with what had already been conducted.

The review of the literature confirmed the prior experience of the researchers: there is no real attention being paid to this age group. Their needs, whether they came as very young children or as adolescents, have not been systematically documented, nor have services for them been systematically identified anywhere. What the review did contribute was a sense of the major issues confronting this age group:

• identity development confounded by dual sources of identity, when home and peer groups come from different cultures;

• language issues that arise particularly in school;

• lack of recognition, for older youth, of prior learning experience;

• conflicts in values beyond those characteristic of many adolescents, namely those between home and peer group, as these conflicts are between values of institutions: those of the family and those of the school as representative of the larger community; and

• differences in issues for male and female youth that are not necessarily found in all youth's experiences but are characteristic of some cultures in particular.

The review of the literature also identified some programs that are being offered to youth in various locations in Canada. For the purposes of this report, however, we shall limit ourselves to those discussed in depth in the two series of interviews, those with key informants and those in telephone surveys.

Health and Mental Health

The literature review found a number of significant sources in this area. A federal-provincial study, Toward a Healthy Future, reports that "Canadians are among the healthiest people in the world; however this good health is not enjoyed equally by everyone". The country's youth population is suffering from stress which is evident in the increased rates of unhealthy practices, such as heavy smoking, having unprotected sex and dropping out of school, as well as feeling depressed and suicidal. It is argued that stress-related problems among young people are linked to high unemployment and pressure to perform well in school. The same source quotes Shaun Peck, a doctor at the British Columbia Health Department, that dropping out of school early is very damaging to a youngster's future well being: because their chances for secure employment are lower, they will probably be less healthy in the future, given the link shown between income and health. The report is cited as pointing out that the persistent gap in health status between people of high income and low income is most apparent among youth and aboriginal groups.

The healthy development and integration of newcomer youth into all spheres of Canadian society is dependent on numerous and often interrelated factors. A primary determinant of physical, social and emotional well-being is the family, but several other components characteristic of the newcomer experience can influence the future health status of immigrant youth. The literature review revealed the fundamental importance of these youth being part of a strong and loving family. In addition, studies reveal that a stable family income improves the likelihood of living in safe neighbourhoods and attending good schools. The absence of some or all of these elements in newcomer households often makes it difficult for parents to create a supportive environment that enhances the future well being of their children.

The settlement, adaptation and integration process of newcomer immigrant and refugee youth is a multifaceted experience involving numerous different factors and making psychological (individual) factors an important source for both successful and unsuccessful settlement, adaptation and integration into Canadian society. Also, the process itself, in many cases, can be seen as an event of extraordinary intensity and stress. A number of recent studies with immigrant and refugee youth samples have revealed significant adaptive and integration problems previously eclipsed by the stereotype that these youth are problem-free and have perpetual academic success (Seat, 1997, Chiu and Ring, 1998, Rivera-Sinclair, 1997, Rousseau, 1997, Goodenow and Espin, 1993, Hunang, 1989, Pawiluk et. al. 1996).

For immigrant and refuge youth the experience of migration presents significant life changes in their environment, community and interpersonal affiliations. Reviews of literature on this topic point to long lists of variables to consider such as the language fluency, age, sex, degree of identification with the host culture, amount of social interactions with the host society, etc. (Berry et. al. 1987, Furnham and Bochner, 1986, Church, 1982). In Canada, in addition to facing the usual and highly intensive developmental issues specific for adolescence, as a time typically associated with difficult process of growth and independence, immigrant and refugee newcomer youth must start a new socialization process; they must meet new academic challenges, learn new school, teacher and parent expectations, gain acceptance into new peer groups, and develop new kinds of social competence (Seat, 1998).

A recent analysis of data obtained from a longitudinal study of children and youth indicates that "30 percent of all immigrant children live in families whose total income fall below the official poverty line" (Beiser et al., 1999). The researchers note that immigrant children with unstable families are Aless likely to prosper scholastically and are more likely to become delinquent@ (Ibid.). Family stability and ethnic resilience have a considerable impact on the behaviour of immigrant and refugee children. This form of social capital is an essential component of well being and may help foster personal achievement; however data obtained from community-based samples, according to Beiser, suggest that some newcomer children experience greater risk for alcohol abuse, drug addiction, delinquency, depression and Post-Traumatic Stress Disorder (PTSD).

The socioeconomic environment of newcomer children and adolescents is a determinant of their health and well-being. In his book, Strangers at the Gate: The 'Boat People's' First Ten Years in Canada, Beiser (1999) evaluates the existence of a link between employment and mental health through the analysis of community surveys of refugees and Canadian residents in Vancouver. Beiser found that newcomer youth were twice as likely to suffer from depression than individuals aged thirty-five and older, adding that "statistics on suicide are also consistent in portraying the young as highly distressed and vulnerable" (pp.81-82). He argues that it is essential that job discrimination and economic disparity be alleviated in order to curb increasing rates of depression among newcomer youth and facilitate their successful integration into Canadian life (p.162).

It is apparent from this review of the literature on newcomer youth that socioeconomic status has a serious impact on the healthy emotional and social development of children and adolescents. Most researchers agree that very little is known about the psychosocial and mental health problems of immigrant children. Both the Canadian Ethnocultural Council (CEC) and the Canadian Council for Refugees (CCR) agree that the mental health of immigrants and refugees remains an important priority for service providers (Beiser 1999: 162).

The problems facing newcomer children and youth are numerous and threatening to both their physical and social development. The risk associated with maladaptive experiences is high among children from disadvantaged populations. Most researchers consider the socioeconomic disparity between mainstream and newcomer groups as the primary determinant of negative development (Beiser et al., 1999; Bertrand, 1998; Fralick & Hyndman, 1998; James, 1997; Steinhauer, 1998). Newcomer youth must adjust to a new culture and language, as well as new surroundings and peer expectations. This is difficult to achieve without family stability and economic security. The inability to adapt successfully to the norms of society often results in problems at school and creates a greater risk for substance abuse, delinquency, and depression.

By way of illustration, Wadhwani's study focuses on the specific issue of suicide ideation amongst South Asian youth in Canada and was prompted by the recent notable increase in suicides amongst South Asian youth (Wadhwani, 1999:4). The study reveals a number of disturbing and distressing trends amongst South Asian youth:

• 30 percent of the 104 participants indicated that they had considered suicide
• Of those who considered suicide, 50 percent thought that "family pressures" were the number one cause or reason for thinking about suicide as an option
• 60 percent of participants cited school as the main source of stress
• 80 percent of those who had admitted to having engaged in suicidal thoughts were females;
• 60 percent of the participants who indicated that they were "always depressed" had considered suicide (Wadhwani, 1999: 77).

Much of the literature on the health and well being of newcomer youth is informed by the theory of ethnic resiliency. Paul D. Steinhauer (1998) defines resiliency as the ability to achieve "unusually good adaptation in the face of severe stress and/or the ability of the stressed person to rebound to the pre-stress level of adaptation" (1998: 51). The ability to identify with and respect one's cultural origin can help foster personal resilience and improve the likelihood for healthy development and integration (Beiser et al., 1999).

Delores James (1997) reports that newcomer children and adolescents in the United States experience a variety of cognitive and emotional changes through the absence of their familiar language, culture and community. The subsequent adjustments to life in a new country often result in the increased risk of trauma or psychosocial problems, school failure and drug abuse, as well as other delinquent behaviour. James suggests that "the early identification of immigrant children at risk for these problems can help school personnel and health care providers plan culturally appropriate and effective interventions" (1997: 98). It is believed that many newcomers suffer from anxiety over the loss of all things familiar and experience a culture shock that can cause emotional maladjustment (Ibid: 99). Difficulties with language acquisition and the lack of acceptance by peers can impede the academic performance of a newcomer and be a source of stress.

The support of family, friends and the community can provide a healthy intervention into negative behaviour by allowing children and adolescents to develop ethnic resilience and foster strong social networks (Fralick & Hyndman 1998: 319). Other researchers also cite the need for intervention programs in order to curtail the risk associated with newcomer adaptation (Beiser et al., 1999; Bertrand, 1998; James, 1997; Steinhauer, 1998). Both James and Bertrand stress that children Aat risk@ must be identified early in order to help service providers plan effective interventions that are culturally appropriate to the unique social and emotional needs of newcomer youth. It is important to note, however, that some researchers consider "at risk" approaches to health to be inadequate because they serve further to isolate and label children.

Early intervention in the education of children is critical for the successful integration of newcomer youth. The experiences of early childhood tend to define one's social and behavioural patterns. Jane Bertrand (1998) considers ways to enrich the pre-school experiences of children from disadvantaged backgrounds and evaluates several initiatives designed to improve their physical, social and mental health. AA child's socioeconomic status, determined by family income, parental occupations and parental education levels, strongly influences the development of the child@ (Bertrand, 1998: 8). Bertrand suggests that programs be put in place that focus on children at increased risk for negative social and emotional development. It is essential that children identified as "at risk" be provided with tools to improve their chances at successful adaptation.

James makes several recommendations aimed at improving the delivery of services to immigrant children and adolescents with psychosocial problems. She is careful to point out that school children have unique social and emotional needs. It is important that course work and in-service training programs be developed in order to equip counselors, nurses, teachers and health educators with the knowledge and experience to deal with children suffering from psychosocial problems. She suggests that culturally appropriate counseling and social services in schools be developed and made widely accessible. James also proposes that suitable diagnostic and assessment tools be tailored to immigrant children and their families, and that a preventative or early intervention program be created in order to identify initial "culture shock" (Ibid: 102).

The literature confirms that social, economic and demographic changes taking place in Canadian society have placed a tremendous amount of pressure on educational systems to respond to the accompanying growth in the diversity of student enrolment. The public school system in Toronto serves an extraordinarily diverse student body. Close to half of the students within the jurisdiction of the Toronto District Board of Education (TDBE) are from non-English speaking families and represent over 76 language groups (Cheng & Yau, 1997). Between 1992 and 1996, one-third of students attending schools in Toronto came from over 170 countries, and 59 percent of recent arrivals were considered to be "high need". With such a large number of culturally diverse youth, there is a greater demand for services on the local board of education, as well as settlement and ethnocultural organizations. Some of the needs identified by researchers include academic support, parental involvement in the education of children, the recognition of the unique circumstances and experiences of newcomer youth, as well as training for teachers, school staff and settlement workers.

In the introduction to Learning and Sociological Profiles of Canadian High School Students, Paul Anisef and Mary Bunch (1994) report that visible minority youth encounter significant challenges coping with the school system. They perform poorly in class, suffer from behavioural problems or drop out of school altogether. Some of the principal factors underlying these problems include school policies, the discriminatory attitudes of teachers, and the organizational structure of schools where achievement or success among minority youth is not encouraged (Anisef & Bunch 1994: 8-10). This environment has proven to be a negative one for newcomer students. It has led to poor attendance, fostered feelings of hostility towards school and produced an increase in delinquent behaviour. Although many schools now recognize ethnocultural diversity and make efforts to prevent discrimination, Anisef and Bunch assert that visible minority youth "will continue to be at risk unless the system as a whole is actively working to accommodate their differences and needs" (Ibid: 9).

Larry Lam (1994) maintains that education is considered to be a liberating force towards the equalization of opportunities in an ethnically stratified society; however, many studies have found that equal educational opportunities in Canada are limited for some ethnic groups (Anisef & Okihiro, 1982; Li, 1999). A student=s ethnocultural background and socioeconomic status are considered important factors influencing his or her educational progress. Numerous elements, such as teacher biases, economic inequality, and institutional or systemic discrimination, act as barriers for immigrant youth in the attainment of equal educational opportunities. Anisef and Bunch also note the high correlation between socioeconomic status and academic performance. Low-income households often cannot provide an environment conducive to learning since many of these children consume less nutritional foods, have less access to private space for homework, are less likely to own computers, and have parents with lower educational levels. Students from low-income backgrounds also face discriminatory treatment and lower teacher expectations. These elements work together to produce low self-esteem and poor motivation to learn among minority students (Ibid: 10).

Lam believes that the negative employment experiences of parents may have an adverse effect on their children=s decision to leave the school system (1994: 124). The marginalized position of parents may pressure youth to drop out of school in order to work and help support their families. These individuals feel it is more important to enter the labour market and contribute to the family income than to continue studying. They may also learn from their parents= experience that educational success cannot provide them with the means to achieve social status in a high-profile occupational category (Ibid: 125). A study carried out by the Canadian Youth Foundation (CYF) indicates that youth in Canada are generally losing confidence in the public school system and post-secondary education. It reports that most youngsters have serious doubts about the value of their education and the ability of schools to prepare them for the job market (CYF 1995: 20). They remain concerned that schools cannot provide adequate skills or direction to help them in the transition from school to work.

While various programs have been created to assist children with their educational progress, such as special education classes and ESL courses, Lam stresses that the school system needs to clarify its objectives: "Are we concerned primarily with ways to assist immigrant youth >fit in= to the existing educational system or are we concerned with why and how the education system fails to meet their needs?" (1994: 130). The problems facing youth are rooted in socioeconomic inequality and different forms of institutional and systemic discrimination. ESL programs may only temporarily deal with limitations to educational progress and special education classes may only serve to further stigmatize newcomer students in society.

Laura Johnson and Suzanne Peters (1994) report that the diverse needs of Ontario students are often overlooked. Accordingly, they are convinced that there is a need for a more student-based, participatory educational program aimed at accommodating diversity and change. Four principal themes are underscored in their report:

• the need to address and eliminate race, ethnic, gender and class bias from the school system;

• the need for a fully integrated educational system to accommodate the diverse needs of all young adult learners;

• the need to build strong linkages between schools and various sectors of the community; and

• the need for greater parental involvement (Johnson & Peters, 1994: 441-455).

Like Lam, Johnson and Peters believe that programs such as Heritage Language (HL) and English as a Second Language (ESL) are not sufficient to cope with the problem of alienation causing some immigrant or visible minority students to perform poorly or to leave the education system prematurely. Johnson and Peters state that the problems facing marginalized youth are rooted in institutional and systemic discrimination. An understanding of such issues may be gained by examining Caribbean youth. Caribbean youth face pressure in school from their parents, teachers and their peers. Teacher expectations significantly affect the progress of students in school. In the case of Caribbean students they are often stereotyped as having poor language and communication skills, low levels of participation, and in the case of the males are seen as aggressive (Anderson & Grant, 1987; Foster, 1996). Furthermore, Caribbean youth are confused by the Canadian education system when they are assessed as not speaking English. A disproportionate number are put back several grades, are assigned to special education classes, or placed in English as a second language programmes. The teachers' low expectations of students and misunderstanding of their culture all compound communication problems for Caribbean youth (Edwards, 1986).

Parents assume that school operates the same way in Canada as in the Caribbean. They do not always understand the dilemmas that their children face in school. Caribbean parents are more likely to be concerned with the discipline problems in school, and the limited amount of homework. They have high confidence that the school as an institution is meeting the needs of their children (James and Brathwaite, 1995).

Caribbean youth may find themselves failing in school, isolated and frustrated. Their parents do not understand their dilemma and are more likely to blame the children for their failing, their teachers expect little from them, and there is little in the curriculum with which they can identify. In addition, the Caribbean way of socializing is seen as negative. All of these factors contribute to the underachievement and a high dropout rate for Caribbean students (Dei, 1995).

The school system must accommodate the growing diversity of the student population and offer curricula and programs that are relevant to their experiences, learning needs and aspirations (Anisef & Bunch, 1994: 7). It is essential that an effort be made to understand the traditions, learning aptitudes, family structures and moral values of immigrant and refugee youth in order to develop programs designed to meet their educational needs (Lam, 1994: 127). Such an approach could provide much needed support to newcomer youth as they attempt to adapt to the new society.

Min Zhou and Carl L. Bankston (1996) explore how aspects of an immigrant culture work as social capital to affect the adaptation experiences of immigrant youth. Their argument is based upon a case study of Vietnamese youth in the United States. They assert that Vietnamese students who possess a stronger association with traditional values, including a commitment to a work ethic, and are significantly involved in the ethnic community tend to perform remarkably well in school. These values are consistent with the expectations of the ethnic community and reflect a "high level of social integration among Vietnamese youth" (Zhou & Bankston 1996: 821). Zhou and Bankston also report that some studies of Indo-Chinese refugees (Caplan et al., 1989; Gold, 1992) show that culture, family and the sense of belonging to an ethnic community have promoted the need for academic attainment and excellence among Indo-Chinese students. Their research and conclusions, and those of others, indicate that ethnic resources, seen as social capital, can provide disadvantaged offspring with an adaptive advantage (Ibid: 821; Kilbride, 1999).

In a recent literature review on newcomer children and youth in Canada, Morton Beiser, Angela Shik and Monika Curyk similarly note that immigrant children of parents who "demonstrate 'ethnic resilience' perform better [in school] than children whose parents assimilate fully" (Beiser et al., 1999). They report that researchers have underscored "the respect for education embedded in some cultural traditions, parental ambition and enterprise, and the insecurity over minority status" as important factors contributing to the academic success achieved by some newcomer students (Beiser et al., 1999). Donna Deyhle also reports that students who achieve academic success are those who feel securely embedded in their traditional culture, while those at highest risk for failure in school are those "who feel disenfranchised from their own culture and at the same time experience racial conflict" (Deyhle, 1995: 419-420).

Margaret Gibson writes that "minority youth do better in school when they feel strongly anchored in the identities of their families, communities and peers, and when they feel supported in pursuing a strategy of selective or additive acculturation" (Gibson, 1997: 445-446). Jim Cummins (1997) is similarly concerned with newcomer students' ability to negotiate their cultural identities in a new society. He believes that a more flexible and inclusive framework is needed to account for the variability of academic outcomes and to plan educational interventions to school failure.

The focus group statements of mainly Asian immigrants in Vancouver led Daniel Hiebert (1998) to note that immigrant families often equate their hope for the future with the education of their children. The standard of education and opportunities for children were cited by many as the main reasons for choosing to come to Canada; however, "the disjunction between hopes and actual experiences in schooling and employment often meant a fragile sense of the future and of family settlement in Canada" (Hiebert, 1998: 18-19). When questioned about the adjustment of young people to Canadian society, many participants suggested that while immigrant parents struggle in adapting, "[immigrant] children adjust quickly". Children learn new languages and adapt to cultural expectations more easily than adults, and their locally attained educational qualifications are more readily accepted by Canadian employers (Ibid.: 15).

It is important to note that not all researchers agree that children adapt easily. A study conducted by the Canadian Youth Foundation (CYF) focuses on the problems experienced by immigrant youth who possess educational qualifications from outside Canada. They face a serious amount of difficulty getting recognition for their educational qualifications. The report provides insight into the discontent of newcomer youth, and how systemic problems and economic difficulties may prevent individuals from reaching their goals (CYF, 1995: 21).

The problems facing newcomer youth may be more complex than first imagined. More research is needed not only to examine how newcomer youth fare in school, but also to register their views, feelings and sentiments in order to identify the reasons visible minority youth in particular show poor academic performance or drop out of school. An American study by Lorraine McDonnell and Paul Hill (1993) indicates that older students experience difficulty adapting because they are unprepared for the level of instruction offered in school. The researchers also point out that pressure from family often forces older students out of school in order to find work and provide for the family. A study of newcomer youth on a community college campus in Toronto showed that educational and financial concerns affected the majority of immigrant students, yet the college provided very little assistance in meeting those needs (Kilbride & D'Arcangelo, 2000). In the United States McDonnell and Hill blame local governments for not taking seriously the responsibility for the welfare of immigrant students and for not assisting parents to adjust to economic and civil life (McDonnell & Hill, 1993: 85-86)

New research by Bernard Schissel is underway. The Voices of Immigrant Children in Canadian Schools is an interview-based survey project designed to study the behaviours and attitudes of immigrant youth and children in Saskatchewan=s elementary and high schools. It will compare immigrant students= experiences in the school system on the basis of socioeconomic-economic status, gender, geography and country of origin. The researchers claim that the "results will provide a significant contribution to the study of immigration, education and integration because of the focus on the 'voices of students' (Schissel, 1997/98 Funded Research Project)

It is evident from this review of the literature on newcomer youth that academic progress is a significant component of healthy integration. Schools can act as agents of academic and social growth if they adopt appropriate practices designed to help children at risk. Newcomer youth need academic support, parental and community involvement, and cross-cultural understanding of their unique circumstances and experiences. Many of the researchers cited in this paper believe that intervention measures are necessary when a student's ethnocultural background and socioeconomic status risks his or her educational progress.

Lam, like Johnson and Peters, suggests a number of specific programs that they believe will foster a positive school environment and help facilitate the integration process for immigrant youth. The research findings indicate that "a more responsive and flexible approach to classroom instruction, to the school as a community institution with open boundaries, and to the diversity of learning needs, backgrounds and expectations in our changing population" (Anisef & Bunch, 1994: 13). The recommendations made by Lam and Johnson and Peters appear to consider the importance of accommodating ethnocultural diversity in the school system, but fail to appreciate the immediate and unique needs of newcomer youth. The proposed programs understand poor academic performance and school absenteeism to be mainly the result of school-related problems, such as teacher biases, inadequate testing methods or the lack of a diverse perspective in the curriculum. Anisef is concerned that they fail to address adequately other factors, such as economic insecurity, unemployment, poor mental health, stress or depression (Anisef, 1998: 279). It is important to note, therefore, that the underlying reasons behind dropping out of school may involve more than those factors that have a direct association with the operation of the school system (Ibid: 286). Anisef stresses that dropping out of school is not a single act or an event that happens independently of any other factors. It is a process in which different but interrelated factors, ranging from the individual and family to school, community, the job market and government policy, are involved (Ibid: 289-303). Treating the matter as a process rather than an independent event makes better sense from both a research and "best practice" perspective, but only if an analysis of all those interrelated factors is made vis-à-vis the aspirations, goals, choices, opportunities and constraints of the individual actors. A process analysis approach may provide researchers with better analytical tools to examine problems associated with why visible minority youth of certain ethnocultural backgrounds perform poorly in school or choose to drop out.

It is essential that more research be conducted on the relation between educational attainment and the positive adaptation experiences of newcomer youth. The conclusions and recommendations made by several researchers clearly point to the important role played by the school system in promoting settlement and integration. It is apparent that a collaborative and integrative effort must be made in order to meet the needs of newcomer youth most effectively.

The literature indicates that the youth unemployment rate in Canada is reaching critical proportions and the greatest casualties appear to be newcomer youth. The ability to obtain gainful employment is hampered by their aptitude for learning in the host society. There are numerous factors working together to inhibit academic progress for newcomer children. Their socioeconomic experiences and ethnocultural background make them particularly susceptible to negative influences and discrimination. This has made it increasingly difficult for children and adolescents to acquire the level of skills and training needed to compete in the labour market. The Canadian Council on Social Development (CCSD) reports that there are about two million youth between the ages of 15 and 19 living in Canada. The high unemployment rate is something that affects all youth living in Canada, but an analysis of statistical data reveals that newcomer youth face greater obstacles to employment and are far less likely than Canadian-born youth to have had any kind of work experience. In 1996, there were twice as many immigrants between the ages of 17 and 19 with no previous work-related experience. A correlation was found between socioeconomic background and access to employment opportunities. Youth from low-income families face greater challenges in acquiring job experience than do those living in high- or middle-income families. The same pattern holds true for immigrant youth compared to Canadian-born youth. "Immigrant youth may be at a disadvantage in finding work due to their lack of family contacts in business, their efforts to learn one of Canada=s official languages, their responsibilities at home or their families= expectations that they focus solely on school work" (CCSD, 1998b: 8).

The report conducted by the CCSD exposes some of the realities facing newcomer youth when searching for employment. It is obvious that the barriers adolescents cross warrant further attention, but the report does not provide enough data on the needs and concerns specific to immigrant youth, such as family expectations, responsibilities at home or a negative school environment. Although it does not provide any particular information on the physical and mental well being of immigrant youth, the study does examine the impact of work opportunities on the health habits of students, such as alcohol use, smoking, stress and aggressive behaviour.

Not to be underestimated in importance among some groups of newcomer youth groups is the role of language with regard to employment and employability. Thus, in a study conducted by Kasozi (1986), some 60 per cent of the research subjects stated that their accent was unfavourable in terms of integrating into the society and in finding employment. Some 28 per cent lost or left their former employment due to language problems.

In Youth Unemployment: Canada's Rite of Passage, the Canadian Youth Foundation (CYF) used focus groups to document the experiences of Canadian youth between the ages of 15 and 29. The study sample was a cross-section of middle class, aboriginal, immigrant and street youth. The report reveals that most youth see themselves as "occupationally challenged despite their best efforts to the contrary…. they characterize themselves as demoralized job seekers with rapidly diminishing expectations" (CYF 1995b: 1, 7). Many feel dependent on their parents and are forced to delay leading independent lives and starting their own families.

Although the CYF's investigation has primarily explored the attitudinal trends of middle-class youth, it has provided some information on immigrant youth through comparisons with the other cohorts. Researchers for the CYF note that both immigrant and street youth lack the personal networks and support systems to assist them in their search for employment. Middle-class youth have devised individual coping strategies through self-employment and contract work, while immigrant and street youth are found to be completely reliant on government agencies to prepare them for the job market. Participants cited the need for more apprenticeships and practicums and claimed that schools do not provide youth with enough information and counseling at ages early enough to move them to the labour market effectively. In the case of immigrant youth, the report shows that the participants feel "completely vulnerable to the government's policies and regulations" (CYF, 1995: 34). Furthermore, as many immigrant participants are reported to have no family to turn to, "they often rely almost exclusively on counseling" (Ibid.) that they receive through community organizations. The study by the CYF does not, however, explore the nature of such counseling in order to assess its efficacy in assisting newcomer and immigrant youth. It does succeed in identifying a set of factors underlying the joblessness of immigrant, aboriginal and street youth, which include "the lack of socioeconomic-economic opportunities, social and cultural barriers or an unwillingness to accept low paying work" (Ibid.).

Paul Anisef (1998) investigates the important transition from school to employment as a primary determinant of socioeconomic advancement or stagnation for newcomer youth. He argues that Canadian schools are failing to prepare adequately adolescents for the job market. His research warns of the particular vulnerability to marginalisation experienced by minority and disadvantaged youth during the transition to adulthood (Anisef, 1998: 275). Anisef examines two intervention programs, Change Your Future (CYF) and the Ontario Youth Apprenticeship Program, which were designed to facilitate the transition from school to work for Canadian youth. CYF targets visible minority youth considered to be at risk for dropping out of school and features individual and group counseling, mentoring, and alternative schooling. The program has been moderately successful in its attempt to understand the transition from school to work as a process that requires support and follow-up (Ibid.: 294-296). OYAP is similar to cooperative education. It helps students obtain job placements to ease the school-to-work transition. The student who participates in OYAP is allowed to develop work-related skills, earn wages, class credits and apprenticeship hours simultaneously. Despite the well-strategized intentions of OYAP, Anisef is critical of the program because it has not succeeded in overcoming employers’ reluctance to hire "at-risk" adolescents (Ibid: 297-300).

Laura Johnson and Suzanne Peters also consider the correlation between positive employment experiences and the healthy social and economic development of newcomer youth. The nature of employment obtained can have an impact on the chances for economic mobility. Johnson and Peters therefore argue for a strengthened relationship between education and employment (1994: 444-445). They see opportunities for learning and socioeconomic growth for students outside the school and accordingly stress the importance of building links between the school and community. A community initiative, Community-Based Education for Work, Career and Life (CWCL), is discussed because it involves a coordination of efforts among schools, labour, industry and government. Cooperative education, training and apprenticeship programs, and community mentoring are also mentioned by the authors as programs that promote learning opportunities for students outside the school (Ibid: 445).

In addition to the research discussed above, a new study by James Frideres, Economic Integration: Young Immigrants and Native Born Canadians, is under way. It will focus on immigrant youth and native-born young Canadians between 18 and 25 years of age who are entering the labour force as full time workers. The sample will be taken in Calgary and the research will explore the process by which young Canadians enter the work force, the nature and type of jobs they obtain or do not obtain, and the issues that confront them as they enter the job market. The sample will be further divided into visible minority and other youth. The research plan indicates that the first set of interviews has already been completed, and the second set will be carried out in the year 2000 (Frideres, 1996/97 Funded Research Project).

The relationship between educational attainment and access to employment is accepted by most researchers. Johnson and Peters suggest that schools need to flexible and adaptable in order to accommodate the unique needs of immigrant youth. Researchers examining the economic opportunities for immigrant youth clearly point to the need for more flexibility in the system in order to respond to the needs, concerns and experiences specific to newcomer youth. It is evident from this review of the literature that newcomer youth need assistance with the transition from school to work. A strong correlation was found between socioeconomic background and access to employment opportunities. The research revealed that immigrant youth may be at a disadvantage in finding work as a result of their ethnic background, family responsibilities, economic insecurity and difficulties with school. It is essential that more research be conducted aimed at finding ways to facilitate newcomer youth in their transition to adulthood and the search for suitable employment.

With regard to social services, the dramatic social, economic and demographic changes taking place in Canada have created serious challenges to the delivery of social services. The process of acclimatization, adaptation and integration requires a significant commitment to assistance from the various organizations serving immigrants and newcomers. The early stages of acclimatization and adaptation can also be referred to as the period of settlement when newcomers make initial adjustments to life in a new country as they find suitable and affordable housing, learn the language, and search for employment. Integration is the longer-term process that newcomers experience as they endeavour to become full and equal participants in all the various dimensions of society (CCR, 1998: 14). A greater proportion of the programs offered by service providers has tended to focus on adult newcomers; however it has become increasingly important for these organizations to respond to the needs and concerns of newcomer children and youth as well. Younger immigrants need assistance in order to adjust successfully and to participate fully in Canadian economic, social and political life.

There have been very few research studies or needs assessments targeted specifically to newcomer youth, but those that have been conducted recognize the value of refugee and immigrant serving organizations. The strength of these organizations lies both in the potential they carry for the adoption of a diversity of approaches to program development and in their roots in the community. They are committed to cost-effective programs that work, are accountable to the community they serve, and take a holistic approach to meeting the needs of their clients (CCR, 1998: 33). The CCR identifies four spheres of settlement and integration where service providers should focus their efforts:

• Economic integration: includes acquiring skills, entering the job market, and achieving financial independence;

• Social integration: includes establishing social networks and accessing institutions;

• Cultural integration: includes adapting various aspects of lifestyle and engaging in efforts to redefine cultural identity; and

• Political Integration: includes citizenship, voting, and civic participation (CCR 1998, 18).

It is essential that service providers direct their program delivery to these areas of integration. Newcomer youth need assistance with language acquisition, cultural orientation and acceptance, building community networks and accessing employment in order to achieve full participation in Canadian society (CCR, 1998: 10).

A study of socioeconomic and demographic trends in Ottawa-Carleton reveals that the level of education achieved remains the general barrier to employment and socioeconomic advancement (Social Planning Council of Ottawa-Carleton and United-Way/Centraide Ottawa-Carleton, 1999: 12). Beiser, Shik and Curyk (1999) propose a model for the adoption of an integrated approach to service provision that relates migration stresses to a variety of outcomes. They emphasize the importance of self-esteem as a component of well being and as a predictor of achievement. Other researchers have also noted the importance of supporting the culture and first language of newcomer youth groups in order to facilitate their cognitive development and self-esteem (North York Board of Education, 1988; Toronto Board of Education, 1997).

It is commonly accepted that the ability to speak and understand the language of the host society is the key to participation in the economic, social, cultural and political spheres of that society (CCR, 1998: 23). The most prevalent of services provided is language classes; however upon completion youth typically acquire only a superficial oral fluency (North York Board of Education, 1988). This may not be adequate for their academic achievement or for their social and emotional integration into Canadian society. Several suggestions have been made by researchers to improve services and assist with the integration of newcomer youth. They include peer mentoring, social groups for youth, after-school recreational and academic assistance programs, better monitoring of students once they leave ESL classes, better access to services, and greater sensitivity from mainstream society to the needs and experiences of newcomers. The increase in poverty and the need for emergency social support has come at a time when the voluntary sector has been struggling to maintain its standard of operations in the face of federal government cutbacks to the social safety net. Several programs have been developed as a response to the needs of children from disadvantaged populations. Research into child nutrition indicates that malnutrition can alter intellectual development by interfering with a child=s overall health, energy level, rate of motor development and rate of growth. In October 1998, the Ministry of Education provided a $500,000 grant to schools in Ottawa=s Carleton School Board for programs that would provide students with breakfast before classes. The school breakfast program has spread to 38 elementary schools in Ottawa-Carleton with extra funding from organizations and local businesses (Clifford, 1999).

Meneses (1999) suggests that, in addition to the collective efforts of community agencies, schools and government departments, an attempt must be made to provide innovative ways to meet newcomer needs and provide services. The Canadian Institute for Advanced Research (CIAR) and the Centre for Studies of Children at Risk (CSCR) describe one such method in their 1995 report. A west-end Toronto shopping mall was experiencing a decrease in business as a result of loitering youth and a subsequent increase in criminal activity. The mall management recognized the extent of the problems and challenges confronting youth. In collaboration with these youth, as well as with parents, local schools, police and other community resources, a Youth Services Office was opened in the mall. It provided many services, including culturally sensitive counseling and community support services to youth and their families; the municipal government hired a youth counselor, and the local board of education offered alternative educational opportunities on site.

Lack of information is a serious problem for many newcomers. The majority of respondents to a survey in Halton (Meneses, 1999) had little or no knowledge about the critical issues that they would have to deal with in their settlement process. Other than receiving the Ontario Health Insurance Plan (OHIP) and making an appointment with a doctor, few knew how to access other health care services (e.g., for mental health, drug and alcohol problems, and nutrition). Respondents to the Halton survey (Meneses, 1999) indicated that one of their concerns was the lack of information. It is clear from the literature that it is essential that the newcomer understand more than just how to access services. Respondents in this study requested information about a multitude of topics, such as Canadian culture, parental roles, the expectations of the education system and the roles of teachers, as well as acceptable behaviour and mainstream values.

A report by Yau (1995) proposed the development of a Public Information Office in schools in collaboration with community, government and ethnocultural groups. The offices would provide comprehensive packages in a variety of languages which could include legal, health care, housing, and citizenship information, as well as information about the school system, community services and other pertinent information. In addition, the office could act as a referral service for students and families. It is apparent that a collaborative effort must be made in order to meet the needs of newcomer youth most effectively. The recommendations made by several researchers allude to the important role played by the school system in promoting settlement and integration. It can be used as a forum for disseminating information, gaining access to families and consequently inviting greater participation in their children=s education, referring newcomers to services, and assisting mainstream society to become more culturally sensitive to the needs and experiences of newcomers.

The literature reviewed remarks on the lack of understanding about the specific needs and cultural backgrounds of newcomer youth. These individuals are struggling to reconcile two separate cultural existences as they attempt to adjust to the social norms of the host society while maintaining their own heritage. They also face linguistic and cultural barriers when accessing services, as well as racism and discrimination in daily life (Spigelblatt, 1999).

Research also shows how essential it is that services be developed to help newcomer youth develop the skills and knowledge they need to participate in society. Some of the recommendations made by researchers include orientation sessions, providing information and referrals, language assessment, family counseling and support groups, and mental health services and health programs (CCR, 1998: 37). There must also be services to help the host community in its process of adaptation to newcomers, such as public education, and cross-cultural and anti-racism training (CCR, 1998: 40).

The CCR identify several best practices for offering services to newcomer youth. The researchers stress that accessibility must be assured by offering culturally appropriate services in the client=s language and undertaking outreach in the community. It is evident that collaboration and flexibility in program development is needed in order to best facilitate the process of integration for newcomer youth. A holistic approach would recognize the diversity of needs of ethnocultural groups, provide a range of social services, and build linkages between the community, family, youth and mainstream institutions (CCR: 1998: 45).

The methodology used in this project reflects both the common goals of accurately reflecting the lives of immigrant youth, and the unique perspectives adopted by each organisation. Thus, while the organisations all conducted their work in ways that included the actual stories newcomer youth shared about their experiences, each also applied methodologies that were consistent with and informed by their different research assumptions. Some organisations designed methods simply as techniques for gathering information, while others designed methods specifically related to their purpose as organisations. For example, while CERIS and FSA designed their research methods simply to acquire information for analysis, CREHS, used an action-oriented, participatory approach, and CASSA/SAWC, employed a theoretical framework of marginalization to inform the methods they employed. In this way, when the different studies comprising this collaborative project are amalgamated, they present a deeper perspective that takes into account the multifaceted nature of youth immigration, adaptation and settlement. They provide a better understanding of the many challenges faced by newcomer youth today, and yield insight into ways to overcome the barriers to their successful integration into Canadian society.

In order to gather this information and arrive at a more complete understanding of the issues, qualitative research methods were predominantly used and quantitative methods supplemented the process. Several methodological tools were employed including focus group discussions, in-depth interviews, surveys, and psychological tests. The ages of the newcomer youth ranged from 16 to 24 in order to bring to light the issues faced by adolescents who are not yet adults, but are no longer children. To highlight the challenges confronted by newcomer youth as a result of immigration and to involve participants who could adequately reflect on their settlement experiences, the youth had to have arrived in Canada after the age of six. Youth and parents held either immigrant or refugee status and came from the following countries and geographical areas: Africa (Somalia, Eritrea, Ethiopia, Uganda, Ghana, Zambia, Nigeria, Kenya); Europe (former USSR and Russia, Bosnia/Croatia, Serbia, Finland, Hungary, Portugal); Caribbean (Jamaica, Trinidad, Grenada, Tobago, and Barbados); Asia (Afghanistan, China and Hong Kong, Vietnam, Cambodia, Sri Lanka, Pakistan, India, Bangladesh, Saudi Arabia, Kuwait, Philippines, Korea, Iran); and Latin America (Chile, Nicaragua). Since the researchers believed that two of the most important factors that affect youth settlement are their gender and ethnicity, most of the organisations set up their research in ways that could reflect these factors. For example, the majority consistently divided focus group sessions along gender and ethnic lines, however some included culturally heterogeneous and mixed gender groups. Finally, since large immigrant populations are concentrated in the Greater Toronto Area (GTA), the Kitchener/Waterloo area and the Ottawa/Carleton area , these three areas were targeted as research sites, i.e., CVMW, CERIS, FSA, and CASSA/SAWC focused on the GTA; CREHS focused on the Kitchener/Waterloo area; and PQCHS focused on the Ottawa/Carleton area.

The following section outlines the methods utilized by each organisation and concludes with an amalgamated chart that summarizes the composition of the focus groups and interviews, the requirements each organisation specified, and the geographical regions involved in the research.

1. The Centre for Research and Education in Health Services – Kitchener/Waterloo (CREHS)

CREHS’s predominantly qualitative approach, based on facilitated focus group interviews, has been directed by a stakeholder steering committee composed of immigrant youth, family members and service providers. The steering committee guided the research in all its five stages. The first stage, "Understanding the context", involved gathering demographic information about immigrants who reside in the Waterloo Region and contacting service providers in the area. The second stage, "Conducting focus group interviews", involved carrying out eleven focus group interviews: six were composed of youth participants; three of parents; and two of service providers. The third stage, "Holding a community forum" was a facilitated gathering where all focus group participants and all interested community were able to share, discuss and prioritise research findings. The fourth stage, "Developing action steps", involved the development and implementation of recommendations to enhance youth services. The final stage, "Dissemination of products", was accomplished through a variety of mediums including a community forum, the media, workshop presentations, meetings with government officials and the Fifth International Metropolis Conference held in Vancouver in November 2000.

2. The Council of Agencies Serving South Asians working as a partner to the South Asian Women’s Centre (CASSA/SAWC)

CASSA/ SAWC engaged in a qualitative study that used focus group discussions to facilitate an exploration of the relationship between the culture of South Asian youth and the dominant mainstream culture. The partners created an advisory committee to provide guidance and direction to all stages of the research process. The advisory committee attended committee meetings, identified outreach strategies for recruiting participants, helped with organising focus groups, acted as interpreters, and provided feedback on the draft report. The focus groups were divided primarily across gender lines and then in terms of particular factors like their pre-immigration situation and religion. Tamils were placed in a separate group because of their unique pre-immigration experience of civil war. Muslims and Sikhs were placed in separate groups because religion plays a major role in their settlement process. A few multi-ethnic focus groups were held to reflect Toronto’s cultural and ethno-linguist diversity.

3. Family Service Association of Toronto (FSA)

The FSA study utilized both quantitative and qualitative methods. For its highly psychological quantitative portion, FSA used several research instruments including a Demographic Questionnaire, Adaptation Response Scale, Personal Satisfaction Scale, Satisfaction with Parents/Guardians Scale, Satisfaction with Classmates Scale, Satisfaction with School/Teachers Scale, Attitude Toward Canadian Society Scale, Settlement and Adaptation Outcome Scale, Youth Self Report, and "Draw a Human Figure" Test (for description of tests, see appendix). For its qualitative portion, FSA held focus group interviews with both youth and parents to ascertain the thoughts, experiences and concerns of those involved.

PQCHS used both qualitative and quantitative methods. The former were used in the interviews and focus group interviews, while the latter were used to provide a profile of the population that participated in the study. The organisation also engaged in a study of the available resources and information about immigrant youth in the Ottawa/Carleton Region. In the early stages of the research PQCH set up an Advisory Committee to provide input and resources into the design of the study and to identify research materials and possible participants and locations for the focus groups. The PQCH study included two major components. In the first component an innovative youth-oriented newspaper entitled DYG (Diverse Youth Workers) was created, which allowed youth to engage in innovative leadership training methods in order to identify barriers to their integration. The second component, entitled Work for Youth Research Project, explored issues of unemployment in terms of immigrant youth opportunities. The interviews and focus groups provided insights into the challenges confronted by youth in accessing the labour force in the Ottawa/Carleton Region and in the West-End of Ottawa.

To obtain a more accurate understanding of the issues facing immigrant youth, CVMW conducted focus group interviews with newcomer youth and parents from Africa and the Caribbean. The interviews were divided into two components. In the first part, youth were asked to comment on general issues such as differences in values, beliefs, behaviour between Canada and back home, and available services in Toronto. In the second part of the interviews youth commented on issues of language and communication. Additional information about place of birth, level of education completed, occupation and languages spoken at home was gathered through a questionnaire completed by each participant. In addition to language and communication issues, the focus group yielded a richness of data covering the social, psychological and cultural aspects of youth migration and settlement.

To identify best practices for supporting the integration and adaptation of newcomer youth into Canadian society, CERIS conducted an in-depth exploration of newcomer youth issues using both quantitative and qualitative methods. The research included an extensive literature review on the needs of newcomer youth and the services available to them, in-depth personal interviews with fifteen key informants representing a cross-section of agencies in education, employment, mental health, social and health services areas, a telephone survey of 145 service providers, and focus group interviews with newcomer youth and mothers. The research focused on five sectors of society: education, health, social services, employment, and mental health.

Composition of Focus Groups

Adolescence, a challenging period in the identity formation of most individuals, is often compounded by settlement difficulty that immigrants generally encounter. When newcomer youth leave what is familiar, including their old schools and friends, family members who remain in the home country, and their cultural surroundings, they must learn to find ways to cope with and adapt to life in an unfamiliar country. As newcomer youth negotiate with the new society and culture they now call home, they are confronted with a number of tensions that play themselves out in different spheres - school, family, friends and peers, and labour market. These tensions are a reflection of the process all adolescents face as they mature from childhood to adulthood, and of the unique experiences newcomer youth undergo as immigrants, particularly when they have difficulty making themselves understood. For newcomer youth, problems associated with English language proficiency, for example, can play a major role in their adaptation.

At other times, the tensions are a reflection of what youth often feel when they are pulled in opposite directions, between seemingly irreconcilable cultural standards or value systems, and a desire to fit in. Exacerbating these issues is the discrimination that newcomer youth often perceive is being directed toward them, which can function further to complicate and challenge their integration into Canada. The issues of settlement and adaptation become even more complex when one takes into consideration that newcomer youth from different ethnic groups, religions, genders and cultural background have diverse experiences and hence, different concerns and needs. As a result, already complex difficulties facing adolescents such as doing well in school, forging healthy relationships with family members and friends, developing a sense of belonging and acquiring rewarding employment opportunities, become even more challenging when coupled with the settlement issues that are experienced by immigrants.

In order to understand the complexity of the youth settlement process, the researchers involved in this immigrant youth needs project have attempted to identify and explore the multi-faceted dimensions of the issues facing immigrant youth and their families. As mentioned earlier, the holistic approach this project has taken is reflected both by involving youth as active participants, as well as by including in the research the voices of family members, service providers, community members and other concerned parties. This section will therefore present a dialogue among all the organisations’ research data. The findings have been organised under four headings or themes, one generally dealing with settlement issues arising from language proficiency, a second addressing issues of acculturation or "fitting in", a third dealing with factors that support the settlement process and exacerbate it, and a fourth exploring some of the maturation-related transitions adolescents undergo in the context of the immigration experience.

Before engaging in a discussion on the perspectives given by youth, family members, service providers, key informants, and community members, three observations must be made about the theme headings. First, they are not mutually exclusive and cannot be treated as such. Second, the themes therefore overlap. Third, while some aspects of the themes are consistently reported by all six organisations, others do not receive unanimous support and these will be noted. Since each organisation focused on particular ethnic groups and research contexts, the issues that emerged from each study sometimes illuminated concerns and issues that were particular and unique to the ethnic groups studied (and possibly to the particular individuals interviewed), while at other times the raised concerns were more universal.

What follows is a synthesis of all the findings which is a reflection of the work from all sources employed by the six research partners. These include: extensive reviews of literature, surveys, focus group discussions with youth and parents, interviews with community members, teachers and service providers, pre-existing findings and interviews with key informants.

The ability to communicate, to express one’s intentions, and to be understood are all integral components of forging new meaning. In order to negotiate the complex territory of a new language, one must be able not only to understand its many nuances and variations, but also to make oneself understood by others. Since language itself tends to be embedded in the traditions, values and cultural understandings of a society, it is therefore not sufficient merely to know the language’s syntax. The process of learning a new language involves the ability to comprehend and engage in both the formal syntax and pragmatic usage of language. Newcomer families arriving from areas that use standard English may have adequate language proficiency, but they may experience difficulties in understanding jargon and dialect. Those who originate from countries with first languages other than English, must begin language training anew in order to function comfortably in English. The findings of all the organisations unanimously identified problems associated with language proficiency as playing a significant role in the settlement process of immigrant youth. Language barriers can, among other things, exacerbate educational difficulties, create family difficulties, reduce employment opportunities, produce low self-esteem and increase discrimination. To ameliorate these problems, newcomer youth are generally placed in ESL programs, which are intended to help them learn the intricacies of English and to provide them with ways to cope with settlement issues. While these can affect youth positively, they can at times be seen in adverse ways by immigrant youth and the general student population.

In the studies conducted, language proficiency difficulties were often voiced as the major reason for youths’ struggles in adapting and integrating into the Canadian society. In the educational endeavour, CREHS highlighted language barriers as being one of the key reasons for youth to feel lost, stupid and judged in the classroom. FSA also noted that the lack of language competency plays a large role in causing youth to become withdrawn, confused, alienated and fearful. Moreover, it pointed out that youth perceptions about their own language incompetence may prevent them from approaching and forming friendships outside their ethnic groups. According to the CVMW, which focused on identifying the nature of the language barriers faced by Caribbean and African youth in Canada, language barriers are erected because of the youths’ unfamiliarity with standard Canadian English and also because of their accents. While some African youth speak English well, they often encounter difficulties in the use of jargon and colloquialisms. When they do pick up the jargon and use it in their homes, they are often not understood by their parents, who find this foreign use of language a form of disrespect. Many Caribbean youth, on the other hand, face difficulties in terms of their non-standard use of English. Both CERIS and CREHS studies support these findings. Most of the interviewed youth reported language barriers (because of poor English skills, non-standard English or English spoken with an accent) as playing a detrimental role in their settlement process, causing both stress and social/academic difficulties. Furthermore, CREHS added that communication barriers in the classroom can cause students to have comprehension difficulties in both class and homework material, and thus do poorly, and CASSA/SAWC suggested that aptitude and skills tests are often inappropriate because they do not reflect the knowledge base acquired by youth who have previously attended school under different educational systems.

Youth with English language difficulties, whether stemming from unfamiliarity with the English language, or accents other than standard Canadian English, are often placed in ESL classes for extra help. Intended as a supportive, acculturative and basic language learning system, ESL can have an impact on the youth settlement process in both a positive and negative manner. While this help is sometimes appreciated by youth, it often functions as a sorting mechanism that isolates and alienates them. CASSA/SAWC noted that often youth who have language competency problems are not only put into ESL for English subjects, but for other subjects as well. Both PQCHS and CVMW agreed that the complexity of this issue is not being adequately dealt with through ESL programs. PQCHS reported that youth often feel that they are being held back by such school programs. According to the research the organisation conducted through its DYG (Diverse Youth Growing) Project, it found that many newcomer youth feel both isolated from the rest of their peers and disparaged by the general student population. CVMW observed that while some African and Caribbean youth view ESL classes as beneficial, many express a desire for classes that deal specifically with ways to help them work on their accents. FSA reported that while ESL classes may function in positive ways, they usually act as a barrier that separates those who take them from the rest of the student population. FSA further commented that "It is possible to assume that when newcomer students are relegated to ESL programs, it is not cool to go there." Moreover, FSA suggested that inadequate and insufficient help is being offered to newcomer students in ESL programs. "Often, many teachers, health professionals, settlement workers, counsellors, and other relevant persons, [through] inexperience or/and ignorance of psychological distress and changes experienced by newcomer youth, grossly underestimate or minimize suffering, conditions and the personal and behavioural problems of these youth." CREHS also noted that while immigrant youth generally view ESL classes in positive terms, they often find the teaching approaches that are used to be non-supportive of integration. In the in-depth interviews that CERIS conducted, several young people mentioned that ESL classes should be available to both non-English speakers and youth speaking English with a foreign dialect and that these classes should be set up in ways that reflect the abilities of youth taking them, to avoid harassment based on stereotyping according to language.

Language barriers often create problems within the family setting. As CREHS noted, parents often become frustrated because their inability to speak English limits their employment opportunities. The resulting reduced ability to provide for their children can strain familial relations. According to the study conducted by CERIS, tensions can also arise because parents often do not grasp language intricacies as quickly as their children and may be forced to depend on them to act as translators. CASSA/SAWC added that without the assistance of youth to act as intermediaries to negotiate on behalf of their parents, parents often are at risk of becoming isolated. The shifting of familial roles can create overwhelming tensions between parents and their children. On the one hand, as CERIS and CASSA/SAWC observed, parents often perceive a loss of control and power in relation to their children, while youth, on the other hand, are encumbered with the burden of becoming translators and cultural brokers, responsibilities which may further complicate their already challenging settlement process.

Language proficiency plays a significant role in accessibility to employment. According to CVMW, most of the youth and parents interviewed alluded to a vicious circle that both prevents them and their parents from seeking social services and attaining good employment. First, many cannot speak English enough to know how to look for social services that could assist them. Second, while some recognise that they need to speak standard English in order to obtain a better education, employment opportunities and social mobility, many are discouraged from even aspiring to such goals because of their limited English capacities. PQCHS also explored the relationship between language competency and employment. It found that youth in the Ottawa area often encounter limited employment opportunities because many of the available jobs require bilingual speakers. Youth who only speak French, for example, are unable to procure employment. Others who have difficulty writing in English face barriers to employment as well. CREHS mentioned that language barriers play a role in causing parents to become frustrated and disappointed because of their inability to provide for their children.

Language difficulties can be exacerbated by perceived discrimination and may lead immigrant youth to develop low self-esteem. It is especially difficult when young people consider themselves to be native English speakers, as Caribbean youth do. CVMW identified teacher stereotypes, based on youth language usage, as a major factor that affects how the youth view themselves. Teachers convey perceptions that can often lead to demoralisation and low self-esteem among youth. In many cases, youth are ‘put back’ a few grades or placed in special education or ESL classes, because they are assumed to have a minimal or basic understanding of English. These experiences can be demeaning and traumatic especially to Caribbean youth who define themselves as uni-lingual English speakers. The CERIS findings also identified practices that often resulted in placing many newcomer youth in lower grade levels than what they consider themselves capable of, even when their first language is English. CASSA/SAWC pointed out that often newcomer youth are prevented from taking advanced level courses even when they do well on aptitude tests. The partnering agencies suggested that this failure may be due either to the ways in which ESL programs work or because of stereotyped practices. As CREHS suggested, teachers often base their expectations of newcomer youth abilities on pre-determined assumptions about immigrants and thus relay the message that immigrant youth should be satisfied with lower marks. These discriminatory practices tend to perpetuate a self fulfilling cycle beginning with placing newcomer students in inappropriate levels or expecting less of them, which can often lead them to performing poorly because of factors such as minimal stimulus, low self-esteem, and embarrassment at being demoted. The youths’ poor performance then justifies their being placed in lower grades or being treated unfairly.

2. In struggling to fit in, newcomer youth are confronted with a number of challenges.

Issues of acculturation or fitting in occupy a large portion of the youth settlement process. Immigration to a new country is sufficiently difficult in terms of finding a home and proper schooling for children, learning about the rules and regulations, and establishing a network of support. When immigrants come to a country that espouses very different customs, values, religious practices, and traditions, they often encounter difficulties coping with and understanding their new experiences. In addition to language proficiency problems, as explored above, other issues can complicate the settlement process. Some of these issues result from