CERIS (Joint
Centre of Excellence for Research on Immigration and Settlement)
Public
Seminar: “From
Emigration to Immigration: Changing Trends in International
Migration in Europe and the Case of Spain”.
Thursday,
January 27, 2005. Room 548, 246 Bloor St. West, Toronto, 2:00 p.m. to 4:00 p.m.
Presenter:
Dan
Rodríguez-García, Ph.D.
Assistant
Professor, Autonomous University of Barcelona, Spain.
Postdoctoral
Research Fellow, Department of Sociology, University of Toronto, and CERIS
Visiting Scholar.
E-mail:
dan.rodriguez@uab.es
Websites:
http://antalya.uab.es/antropologia/cat/index.asp;
http://seneca.uab.es/migracions/index_en.html
INTRODUCTION
The increase in
international immigration and the new processes of interculturalism are
challenging the social and political structures in Europe. This presentation
will discuss the main socio-demographic trends in international migration in
Europe, focusing, in general, on countries in Southern Europe and, in
particular, on Spain – a “new” country of immigration, yet potentially one of
the greatest reception areas for international migration in the Mediterranean.
This presentation also intends to raise theoretical and social issues concerning
the incorporation of immigrants into host societies by comparing European and
Canadian contexts.
MIGRATION
TRENDS IN THE EUROPEAN UNION
Europe is a
territory of 45 countries; 25 of which belong to the European Union (EU), with a
Total Population of about 380 million people. Since 1950 Europe has continued
to be an immigration receiving area. According to Eurostat, there are
about 20 mill. foreigners (i.e., not nationals of their country of residence) in
the EU, which represents around 5% of the Total population. However, the
migratory behaviour of the different countries is very heterogeneous. Immigrants
in the EU come primarily from the Maghreb (North Africa), Turkey, India, East
Europe and West Africa, and settle primarily in: Germany, France, The U.K and
The Netherlands. The percentage of the population who are non-nationals ranges
from 1.6% in Greece to 37% in Luxembourg.
INTERNATIONAL
MIGRATION IN SOUTHERN EUROPE: THE CASE OF SPAIN
In contrast to
Northern Europen countries, where immigration took place mostly during the
1950s-1970s, the countries in Southern Europe (Spain, Italy, Portugal and
Greece) have undergone during the last few decades a turnaround from countries
of emigration to countries of immigration.
3 phases of Southern European migration: 1) Emigration (overseas, until 1950s;
to
Northern Europe, 1950s-mid to
1970s); 2) Return (from mid-1970s); 3) Immigration (1980s-1990s, first in
Italy, 1972, then in Spain and Greece, 1975, and Portugal, 1981).
The increase in
international immigration and the new processes of interculturalism are
challenging the social and political structures in Southern Europe, which is
potentially one of the most important immigration regions in the Worl.
Spain had
traditionally been a country of emigration, overseas and to Northern Europe
(France, Germany, Switzerland), during the 1950s-1970s as guestworkers.
Spaniards substituted Italian migrants as a labour force supply. Then Turks,
Africans and South Asians have substituted Spaniards as a cheap labour force in
those countries.
By the late
1970s, Spain became more and more a country of immigration. At the same time
that the return of Spaniards was taking place, immigration from foreign
countries started to grow. Spain has a characteristic “Double flow”; that is:
migrants poor from developing countries (e.g., Morocco), and migrants from
developed countries (e.g., Germany). The causes for this migration change can be
summarised in three: a) Economic, political and demographic push factors;
b) Increase of restrictions for immigration in Northern Europe; c) Booming
Spanish economy in the late 1970s and early 1980s (after the Franco regime),
which created a new demand for a cheap labour force, traditionally provided by
internal migrants.
In 2001
resident immigrants (1,109,060) made up 2.7% of the Spanish population. In 2003,
there were 2.6 million foreign residents in Spain, which represent about 6% of
the Total population (still little compared to Canada’s 18.4%, Toronto 43.7%).
The fact is that Spain has had the fastest growth in foreign immigration among
EU countries. Yet, Spain can be considered a ‘new’ country of international
immigration. Its legislation on immigration is relatively recent (the First
Immigration Law -Ley Orgánica de Extranjería 7/1985- was passed in 1985)
and is still undeveloped with respect to the design of a comprehensive policy of
immigration.
During the last
few years, there has been an important change in the origin of immigrants in
Spain: immigration from EU countries has decreased, and immigration from non-EU
countries has increased. Because of traditional colonial links, the Moroccans
and Ecuatorians (also Peruvians and Colombians) are the largest foreign
nationalities in Spain. Immigration from Asia has also increased in the last few
years, especially from China, which represents 43.8% of the total Asian
immigration (other important groups are: Pakistan, India and Philippines). As
for the Age structure, foreign residents are
much younger than the host population. Also the percentage of Children born to
foreing parents has increased dramatically during the last few years: from 4.9%
in 1999 to 45% in 2002 (it has to be taking into account Spain has the lowest
birht rate in the World: 1.2 until 2002, and 1.3 in 2004). As for the labour
market, foreigners represent 4.7% of the Total Labour force in Spain.
In general, they concentrate in Services (59.2%) and
construction (17.2%). But there are many differences by nationality (e.g.,
Latin-American and Filipinian women in the domestic service; African
migrants in agriculture). Concerning patterns of settlement, there is a pattern
of concentration in the Mediterranean coastal provinces (from Malaga to Girona),
Madrid (the capital), and the Balearic and Canary Islands, because of their
diversified economy. Catalonia: is the region with the highest number of
migrants in Spain, and in the Mediterranean context is potentially one of the
greatest reception areas of international migration.
Despite the
slow start, since the early 2000s, immigration has appeared on Spain’s political
agenda, making it clear that the issue is no longer just a technical and
administrative concern. The priorities of the Spanish Government concerning
immigration match those of the EU –from the Schengen Treaty of 1985 and
the
Maastricht Treaty of 1992–
in emphasising the control of flows, while disregarding access to citizenship
and the integration of resident immigrants. Indeed, the vagueness of the concept
‘integration’ points to the limitations in access to civil rights. The
Government’s overall immigration policy statement is the Overall Programme
for the Regulation and Co-ordination of Alien Affairs and Immigration in Spain
(abbreviated as GRECO), that was approved in 2000. The Programme includes four
basic goals: two relating to control and regulation, and two to protection and
integration. However, it doesn’t include any measurable goal for government
action; does not specify the human and financial resources allocated to carry it
out; and does not indicate time frames to carry out the actions or reach the
goals established. Access to citizenship and integration policies are limited
because immigrants are still seen as temporary workers (guestworkers).
Moreover, access to citizenship is easier for certain origins (e.g.
Latin-Americans) than others (e.g. sub-Saharan Africans), according to the
immigration quota system, which favours the arrival of immigrants with similar
social and cultural characteristics.
From a negative
point of view, the arrival of immigrants is considered to increase
competitiveness on the labour market… The demographic argument is used by most
politicians as an explanatory factor for the decrease in wages. Moreover,
socially and Institutionally, Cultural difference is seen as a Threat (e.g.
Regarding Public space of cultural diversity: Muslims as a threaten
à
proofs of racism and xenophobia concerning the construction of mosques in the
cities; also controversy on the use of hijab in school…).
In brief, the
‘Integration model’ in Spain is closer to Assimilation than to
Pluralistic integration (even though Spain is one of the most plural
European countries in terms of autonomic composition and plural identities, 17
autonomous communities: Catalonia, Basc country, etc.). Despite the fact that
some autonomies have a more elaborated policy of immigration than does the rest
of Spain (e.g., Catalonia), in general, it is possible to distinguish between a
majority society and a foreign immigrant minority, within the context of a
predominant minorities/majority assimilation model, where the fact that
“Integration” is a two-way process of accomodation between newcomers and the
host population, is disregarded. In contrast to the “Multi-ethnic pluralism” or
“Horizontal Mosaic” model to be found in Canada: under which immigrants have
greater ease of access to citizenship and to incorporation into the political
and socio-economic structure. Indeed, Canadian multiculturalism policy is
intended not only to facilitate cultural maintenance but also to ensure that the
resulting “Mosaic” is “horizontal” rather than “vertical”. A society where new
immigrant minorities are able to achieve parity of socio-economic opportunities
with the majority (there are, however, inequities, social divisions, status
differentials, rankings, and other forms of social and ethnic stratification
within Canadian society…).
CONCLUDING
REMARKS
·
Immigration in the Political agenda in all countries of UE.
·
Immigration & new processes of interculturalism are challenging the social and
political structures of Europe, parrticularly in ‘New’ countries of immigration,
such as Spain.
·
Legislation on immigration is still undeveloped with respect to the design of a
comprehensive policy of immigration.
·
Access to citizenship and integration policies are limited because immigrants
are still seen as temporary workers (guestworkers).
·
Acquisition of citizenship is a fundamental factor for integration of
immigrants.
·
The fact that “Integration” is a two-way process of accomodation between
newcomers and the host population, is disregarded. Assimilation vs.
Pluralistic integration…
·
Europe still looks at diversity as undermining… Cultural difference is seen, in
general, as a Threat.
·
Need for a Comprehensive policy of immigration
à
Incorporation of immigrants in a Plural democracy.
QUESTIONST AND
ANSWERS – DEBATE
1) Dr. Jeffrey
Reitz: Compare Spain to Canada, but also to U.S.A. Canada: multicultural model,
and liberal tradition versus U.S.A: assimilation model, and conservative
(republican) tradition… How does Spain look at both models? Illegal migration
and control (similar in USA and in Spain).
Answer:
Regarding the
differences between Canada and The States in terms of Multicultural versus
Assimilation model, and how Spain looks at the two different models, and I could
say that Spain (within the EU) is looking more at the model of the States than
to that of Canada, but not necessarily the autonomous regions in Spain (such as
Catalonia), which tells a lot about political models and the model of society
wanted. If we take into account that Spain, as well the rest of the countries
that belong to the European Union, has to operate within is that political
frame, and that the EU wants to be another United States in political and
economic terms, that explains many things... Take into account the different
history of the USA and Canada… In the States, Black-Africans are 1/3 of the
population, and due to the experience of racism and discrimination, they have
struggled to be assimilated in terms of social and civic rights. In this sense,
Canada has a very different history, regarding the social and political status
of their immigrants.
2) Dr. Eric
Fong: Are immigrants in Spain temporary or permanent?
Answer:
The immigration
policy in Spain (EU) looks at immigrants as temporary, as guest workers.
So, from the institutional point of view, there is no space for the immigrants
to be any other than temporary. The inexplicit message is: "come, do your thing
and go back home". So, if they come only temporarily, why to change the
political and social structure? (of course, this is a fallacy). From the
immigrant side, they are most likely not going to look at Spain as a place that
they could or would permanently immigrate to. Canada, for instance, has more
open policies for offering permanent settlement, and all what it represents.
People see Canada as the place they want to make as their home and it's expected
that they will be able to do that (although the reality is often that
professionally most people's expectations are not accomplished; it’s clear that
how professional credentials translate and are accepted by the Canadians is one
of the main issues Canada has to work in...). Immigrants are not coming to Spain
with the same expectations because there are not the same opportunities. But the
reality is that when they come, once they are there, they create networks,
etc. and may decide to stay. In other words: they look at Spain as a temporary
place because they don't see it as a place where they can bring and develop
their networks and culture; but they may end staying and figuring it out anyway.
So let's say that they come with a temporary contract to work (according to the
quota system of limited entries with a previous work contract); and then, when
the contract expires, if they don't come back they become illegal residents;
which, again, will have an impact on the social and political level
(marginalisation, ghettoisation, etc.). So, it’s a situation that goes in
circles...
3) Elke Winter:
What’s the situation with gypsies in Spain in terms of discrimination and
integration, compared to that of immigrants?
Answer:
Yes, there is a
lot of discrimination and marginalisation still against gypsies. Actually, they
are an ‘ethnic minority’ socially categorised as ‘immigrants’, but they are not
immigrants! So they are the "internal others". It is significant that in
all sociological questionnaires concerning racial and ethnic attitudes
(prejudices and stereotypes) in Spain, gypsies are always the group with lower
status and towards whom there are more prejudices (for instance, concerning the
rejection towards mixed marriage). See the following bibliography:
- Calvo Buezas,
Tomás (2000) Inmigración y racismo. Así sienten los jóvenes del siglo XXI,
Madrid: Cauce.
- IMSERSO
(1999) Los españoles y la inmigración, Madrid: Ministerio de Trabajo y
Asuntos Sociales, Col. Observatorio Permanente de la Inmigración.
-
Rodríguez-García, Dan (2004) Inmigración y mestizaje hoy. Formación de
matrimonios mixtos y familias transnacionales de población africana en Cataluña
[Immigration and Hybridity Today. Mixed Marriages and Transnational Families
Amongst African Migrants in Catalonia, Spain], Bellaterra: UAB, Servei de
Publicacions (http://www.agapea.com/Inmigracion-y-mestizaje-hoy-formacion-de-matrimonios-mixtos-y-familias-transnacionales-de-poblacion-africana-en-Catalu%C3%B1a-n131012i.htm).
4) Researcher
in Alicante (Spain): Republicanism in France: Assimilation. Emphasis in
Christianity in Spain: also Assimilation.
Answer:
Yes, there is,
for example, a disregard of the Muslim past of Spain… The feeling that the
“social and cultural core” of Spain (identified as Christian) cannot change…
Take into account that Muslims where in Spain for 800 years. During that period,
Muslims, Christians and Jews lived together in a multicultural society, until
1492, when the Catholic Kings ordered the expulsion of Muslims and Jews.
5) Public: The
autonomic (internal) diversity in Spain, is also a challenge…
Answer:
Yes, internal
diversity and, at the same time, external diversity and interethnic relations,
both processes are happening at the same time. It’s very complex…
6) Public: Are
there differences by gender and immigration in Spain?
Answer:
Yes, there are
immigrant flows more male dominated (e.g. Africans, Pakistanis) and other more
feminised (e.g. Latin-American, Filipines).
7) Dr. Kenise
Murphy: It seems that Europe is more a constructed society (assimilation
perspective) versus Canada, an evolving society (pluralism), continuously
constructing its core…
Answer:
Yes. But the
idea of an “old core”, a completed (finished) social and cultural core, is not
real. The key issue here is the dynamics of inclusion and exclusion, and how
politicians use the idea of “old core” to promote immigration policies that tend
to be exclusionary (i.e., “you don’t belong”…).