A thesis presented to the Faculty of Graduate Studies of the University of Guelph in partial fulfilment of requirements for the degree of Master of Arts, February, 2000

Charles T.  Adeyanju
Faculty of Graduate Studies
University of Guelph

Abstract

Until very recently, the word "immigrant" had evoked images of people who had come to stay, having been transplanted from their original home in order to make for themselves a new home to which they would pay allegiance. This thesis questions the assumptions that minorities and migrants demonstrate an exclusive loyalty to one nation-state. This is examined by exploring the mode of social connections and frequency by which one of the most salient African ethnic communities in Toronto, the Yoruba (the pedigrees of Oduduwa from the Federal Republic of Nigeria), maintain ties on various levels with their "home community" in this period of globalization.

Yoruba migration is linked to their enmeshment in global capitalism, beginning with colonialism which extracted natural resources for the development of the European industrialism, and later neocolonialism which caused the pervasive penetration of global capital in the form of loans, and the collusion of internal social forces with the Western transnational corporations, leading to the pauperization of the mass of the Nigerian population.

It is argued that the crass material exploitation of Nigeria, both in the colonial and postcolonial periods is not enough to explain the Yoruba migration and their transnational practices but should be viewed in conjunction with the "dependency complex" caused by the colonial and neocolonial domination of their "psyche".

It is evident that most of the early Yoruba came to Canada for prestige and status, which they gained from their kith and kin back home in Nigeria who considered them the community heroes. Conversely, those who have been coming since the mid-80s, when the Nigerian economy failed to cater to the needs of the vast majority owing to the neoliberal Structural Adjustment Program (SAP), are coming for economic reasons. In response to the harsh economic situation in Nigeria, the Yoruba are now being driven by the "cargo cult mentality".

In Canada, the neoliberal philosophy of both the Provincial and the Federal Governments do not augur well for the immigrants, dashing the hopes and aspirations of many of them. Overall, the present Yoruba immigrants in Toronto are caught in "two worlds" which they find insatiable as their aspirations are not being met. To surmount the socio-economic problems of both "worlds", loyalties become divided into more than one nation-state.

Six factors inducing the transnational practices of the Yoruba immigrants in Toronto are critically examined in this thesis. One, the socio-economic problems of the mid-80s and the corrupt military predatory rule of the time combined with the maximal clamp-down on the opposition in the 1990s made Nigeria an "unattractive" place to live for a vast majority of the people. Two, the experience and perception of racism by the Yoruba immigrants in Toronto draws them closer to their roots and home country, as racism is perceived as a sign of rejection. Three, the value attached to the kinship system. The kinship system is based on reciprocity and obligation, as is embedded in the Yoruba culture. Four, the voluntary associations membership, which not only rewards members psychologically, but helps support home-town development projects. Five, the incorporative practices of the nation-state of origin and the traditional elements within it which still claim immigrants as one of their own. And finally, the political situation in Nigeria which creates the forum for the Yoruba abroad to be involved in transnational political engagement.

It is suggested that the Yoruba immigrants could improve their transnational social fields by exploring ways of accumulating capital through the development of their social capital. In order to achieve this, efforts should be made to improve their social, economic and political conditions in both of their major localities-Nigeria and Canada.

Acknowledgments

The Yoruba believe that a stream that forgets its source will in no time dry up. With this I would begin my acknowledgments by thanking my parents–Pa Patrick Oso Baranje-Adeyanju and Chief Victoria Oluremi Adeyanju for giving me the first, and the most important form of education–eko ile which stressed honesty, hardwork and self-pride. Without all these qualities instilled in me early in life, I would never have accomplished this educational height. Special eulogy goes to my mother for her prayers and supports throughout the program. Thank you mum, I am proud to be your son, and indeed very grateful for allowing me to come to this world through you! There were those who brought me up in conjunction with my parents and contributed to my early informal education. They are my sisters–Mrs. Stella Bola Akinduyo, Mrs. Mercy Adenike Fajana; my brother Gerald Oso Adebanji Adeyanju: My uncles–Messrs George Alonge and Gabriel Alonge, Bishop Francis Alonge and Chief BOB Alonge; and my aunts–Mrs. Aduni Kolade and Dr. Bisi Olujoungbe. Special thanks to my younger sisters whose lives I was a part of as kids, and ever since they have been supportive–Olubunmi Adeyanju, Adejoke Amodi in Nigeria and Omowande Osidein in Toronto, Canada. I cannot but specially thank Omowande and her husband, Mr. Olayinka Osidein, because without their encouraging, supporting and sharing jokes with me always, and in using their apartment for the collection of the data in Toronto, the project would have taken longer time to complete. Of course, I will never forget Omowande’s usual sumptuous "mongele pounded yam with egunsi soup". My thanks also go to all my nephews and nieces in Nigeria, who persistently remember me in their prayers and look up to me as one of their role models.

Particular thanks to my assiduous advisor, Dr. Frans Schryer for all the assistance, including suggestions, encouragements, discussions and comments which no doubt has contributed to the success of the project. Other committee members–Dr. Rozena Maart and Dr. Glen C. Filson contributed immensely through their constant guidance. Rozena not only helped with the development of a particular section in the project but also supported me morally. Thank you Rozena! Glen was a great help from the beginning to the end of the project. His meticulous examination of facts, comments, painstaking corrections, suggestions and discussions were very helpful and the constructive criticisms quite challenging!

I cannot but thank the following faculty members: Dr. Belinda Leach and Dr. Marta Rohatynskyj for starting me with the project but could not take me through to the end due to their sabbaticals. Their contributions in the beginning guided me through the whole project. Also thanks to Professor Stan Barrett for his support, time and interest throughout the program. A big "thank you" to the office staff, especially Millie MacQueen who usually answered my "too many" questions with patience; and Leo Keating for assisting with computing the data.

My childhood friend has never stopped showing interest in me and being concerned about my progress, Olabode Steven Ojo, who has furnished me with some of the reading materials for the project, to whom I say a big "thank you"! Rev. Fr. (Dr.) James Olaogun has always been concerned about my progress prior to my migration, and since my arrival in North America, has graciously provided me with some of the reading materials for this project, to which I am eternally grateful! Thanks to Rev. Fr. (Dr.) Peter Olawunmi Obawale for the prayer and encouragement. My thanks also go to Mr. Kabu Samuel Asante for his support ever since my arrival in Canada. Without all your prayers and the cumulus of your good wishes, the success of this project would have not been achieved.

Living and studying in North America would have been boring and meaningless without all the wonderful friends and acquaintances that I have gained over the years–they are not only friends, but brothers and sisters. Ms. Janet Ngo not only took pains to proofread the entire manuscripts for this project for common errors but was constructively critical of certain positions, and has always been morally supportive. Janet, you are a rare gem and a good friend indeed, thank you! Michael Aregbesola, a.k.a. Aworawo (Ph.D. Candidate) and Tayo Alabi (Ph.D.) are not only supportive in terms of my being able to bounce ideas off them, but they are also my great inspirations in the "academy". Saburi Babalola, Victor Aruna, Symonds Botchey, Sherifat Fasasi, Hakeem Fasasi and Mr. Femi Solaja are friends that I have known over the years. Thanks for still being my friends.

This research has been made possible through the collaboration of the Yoruba men and women who agreed to be interviewed for the project. Not only did they give me their valuable time, they also prayed for me and wished me well. Words are not enough to express my appreciation for your help. I doff my hat and say "thanks so much"; I hope I have done some of what you had asked me to do. Particularly, I would like to specially thank the following members of the Yoruba community in Toronto: Mrs. Ester Opadiran (erstwhile President of the Yoruba Community Association) for helping me "gain entry" into the community; Mr. Biyi Opaleye (current President of the Yoruba Community Association) who volunteered information to me about the community; Mr. Segun Adebajo who took me as a brother and selflessly assisted in introducing me to people in the community; Mrs. Margaret Adenike Olarinmoye (mama Seye) did not take the matters concerning the research with levity, and has also acted like a sister to me ever since; and last but not the least, Dr. Adebusola Onayemi for his encouragement and interest in a project of this nature.

It is the Ogberis who solely rely on their extra-sensory perceptions alone. I am not one of them, because I believe that those "in the great beyond", my ancestors, have always been with me, without them, the project would have been a fiasco–thanks to Pa Oso Baranje-Adedipe (of Ejigbo family in Ado-Ekiti) and Madam Oja Adetunbi Baranje-Adedipe; Pa Peter Fadahunsi Alonge (of Omu family in Ise-Ekiti); and Madam Julianah Ajayi Alonge. My ancestors gave me the metal capability and physical dexterity to carry on with my day-to-day activities. Please, continue to watch over me!

I cannot mention all the names of those who have helped owing to lack of space, but I humbly express my appreciation to them all, wherever they are.

Dedication

This thesis is dedicated to all the children of common Nigerians, who are born innocent victims, their souls upon generation, sacrificed by the greedy, reckless and larcenous postcolonial Nigerian ruling elites.

Table of Contents

Acknowledgments..................................................................................................-i-

Dedication.............................................................................................................-v-

Table of Contents..................................................................................................-vi-

Preface................................................................................................................-vii-

Introduction..........................................................................................................-1-

Chapter One

Approaches On Transnationalism.........................................................................-11-

Chapter Two

2.1 Yoruba Nation Before and After Contact With Other Cultures.............................-35-

2.2 The Nigerian Factor.......................................................................................-75-

Chapter Three

3.1 Theoretical Perspective..................................................................................-93- 3.2 Internal Transformation.................................................................................-121-

Chapter Four

Methodology.....................................................................................................-135-

Chapter Five

What is the Yoruba Transnational Community?.....................................................-161-

Chapter Six

The Yoruba Voluntary Organizations.....................................................................-239-

Conclusion: Assessment, Recommendation and Suggestion..............................     -260- Bibliography........................................................................................................-291-

Glossary.............................................................................................................-301-

Appendix A: Survey-Interview Questionnaire...........................................................-304-

Appendix B: Letter to the Community Leaders........................................................-315-

Appendix C: Homogenization (Fusion) and Hegemonization (Fission)........................-316-

Preface

The idea to write on the contribution of Africans to the world was conceived years before I undertook graduate study in sociology. But the idea to write on this particular topic was brought up by my first advisor, Professor Belinda Leach. She suggested this topic, transnationalism within the labyrinth of globalization, while I was scratching my head, exploring and deciding on what particular aspect of African place in world history to write on. In part some of the ideas broached in this thesis developed from my personal quest for answers to some sociological questions, particularly the ones that have to do with global inequalities, black consciousness and identities. I cannot but acknowledge the roles played by my relatives, friends and colleagues way back while I was growing up and studying in Nigeria and also colleagues, friends and acquaintances in Canada who have of course perennially engaged me in arguments, debates, discussion and often shouting matches about the plights, ups and downs of black people both in their original home in Africa and in the Diaspora around the world. It was all these panoramas that kept me thinking more about understanding myself and the place of black people within the global capitalist development--their contributions, failures and some achievements. It was all this that led to my final decision to narrow my focus to Yoruba transnationals in Toronto. This is in hope that an ethnographic study of this nature that you are about to read will shed lights on some important issues pertaining to immigrants of color from underdeveloped or developing parts of the world residing in the industrial/post industrial capitalist countries of the West. Having said the above, I would now add that my personal experience cannot be overlooked in view of the overall research. In other words, it would be hypocritical to divest my identity as a Yoruba person who is an immigrant in Canada having some measure of influence in the plannin

g and the outcome of the research. However, this is not to posit that the research itself is riddled with bias, but to say that in most social science research personal experience must be acknowledged rather than to be implicitly or tactfully left incognito. This issue of "personal experience" as it relates to the "issue of objectivity" has been discussed elsewhere in this thesis. It is there I argue that being whom I am makes the undertaking of the research taxing--attainment of objectivity seems very difficult but still possible. So, I will leave this issue for now.

In addition to the above, some people will find this research disappointing because it will not meet their expectations. One, the amebos of the community looking for some gossip to read and talk about and then to make some victims out of this will be highly disappointed because all the major characteristics of interviewees and some events observed for this research have been altered. Two, those who believe that our shortcomings as a people should not be mentioned in this research but be hidden because they say "we do not have to wash our dirty linen in the public" will as well be disappointed. I will not only talk about some of the serious internal and external problems facing us at home and abroad, but also look for how they can be ameliorated. Three, those ethnocentric elements and their collaborators who believe that nothing good can come out of a traditional cultural system will not only be disappointed but in the end will be petrified by the truth and may eventually come to the conclusion that they were wrong. And lastly, there are those who will be disappointed and may inveigh against me for pitching my tent with the common people because I will not justify any form of inequality in this thesis.

Each THING that goes away returns and nothing in the end is lost. The great friend throws all things apart and brings all things together again. That is the way everything goes and turns round. That is how all living things come back after long absences, and in the whole great world all things are living things. All that goes returns. He will return.

                                                                                                    (Armah, Ayi Kwei)

The notion that immigrants will pay allegiance to more than one nation-state is now being given prominence in academic sociological parlance. Until this began, the word "immigrant" had evoked images of people who had come to stay, having been uprooted from their old society in order to make for themselves a new home and country to which they will pledge allegiance. The on-going research and projects in social sciences are rendering this notion superficial and are providing us with works that show that immigrants now develop networks, activities, patterns of living and ideologies that cut across the territorial boundaries of their home countries and host societies. It is in the belief of many in the West that an average migrant from black Africa in this hemisphere is a crude, but willing peasant, attracted by Western technology, eager to prove himself, save money to acquire livestock and land, and on his return marry and start a family. It is true that modern migrants from Third World countries come to the materially advanced countries in pursuit of better living condition, but to see them in the light of this statement in toto is highly arbitrary and pedantic. It is high time we see immigrants from this part of the world as social actors who are sustaining multi-stranded social relations that link together their societies of origin and settlement.

To elaborate, it is the transnational practices of the Yoruba in Toronto, Canada that will be a focus of this thesis. Some literature on international migration has examined the relationship between the uneven development of regions/countries of the world and migration. As if this is not enough, some "academic shamans" in this field easily point out that this uneven development induces migration which is beneficial to the developed part of the world on the one hand, and further underdevelopes the already poor countries on the other hand. This project will then look at the impacts of globalization on the less developed countries as they relate to international migration; specifically, the impact of globalization on the Yoruba society from the historical period, and the current response to this impact in the form of transnational practices will be thoroughly examined. In the course of doing this, it will be brought to the fore that material deprivation caused by the unequal distribution of global resources is not enough to account for their migration to the West and for their transnational practices, but also involved their encounter with colonialism which conditioned their minds and the psyche, and alluring them to the West.

Various issues will be brought to the fore at the conclusion of this project: One, it will become apparent in this research that "economic determinism" alone cannot explain the migration from the developing countries to the developed ones. The historical experiences of immigrants have to be put into consideration as well, as they highly influence the individual migrant’s decision to move; two, the dominant ideology prevalent in the Western industrial capitalist countries that immigrants from the materially disadvantaged societies are a burden rather than a resource will have to be reconsidered. Immigration is more of a resource than a liability for the society of settlement and immigrants "enrich" their host society; three, it will be discovered that the current state of affairs in the world considered fascinating by the postmodernist scholars do not reflect the realities of many people in the world--for example, the historically weak groups, men and women of color, the Aboriginals are still powerless--while the transnational corporations wield so much power economically and even politically, and control the world; and four, transnational immigrants are engaged in what is called the "transnationalism from below" (Smith & Guarnizo, 1998), which is the terrain of the ordinary people sidetracking the oppressive capitalist regime.

Methodology:

Both qualitative and quantitative methods have been employed to collect data for this research. The quantitative method used is the survey-interviews of fifty Yoruba individuals in the megalopolis of Toronto (including Brampton, Mississauga, Barrie, etc.). This method is used to find out about the characteristics of the population, the beliefs, habits, attitudes, ideologies, compare responses, experiences, etc. This method is confined to descriptive statistical analysis and is not intended for any inferential statistical purposes. The qualitative method makes use of participant observation, unstructured in-depth interviews and semi-structured interviews. This complements, elaborates and corroborates the quantitative method. This approach gives the individual immigrants being studied an opportunity to express their perspectives and personal experiences, without being subjected to the "strict rules" of the quantitative method.

Limitations of the Study:

This research project is not without some limitations. One, as previously stated, the findings, especially the quantitative methodology cannot be generalized to the entire population in Toronto, this is because subjects were selected non-randomly. Two, only one side of the picture is revealed. The field work was conducted only in Toronto, which is a small part of the social fields. And three, not all events were observed for the research owing to time constraints and money. These inhibitions and more have been discussed in detail in Chapter 4.

Academic and Policy Implications:

Apart from its contribution to theoretical discussions in academic contexts, this research will also have some much more practical applications. This will include:

• Recommendations and perspectives on the ways in which this immigrant group might be encouraged to see importance in their "cultural capital" and be aware of their specific problems and solutions, so enabling them to emulate achievements of their more successful ethnic counterparts and be able to compete well with other successful groups such as the Chinese and Taiwanese, and also the dominant group.
• Being a source of well informed ethnographic insight of relevance to all those responsible in the delivery of public services to immigrant groups from the developing countries.
• Direction of attention as to how transnational members might make more effective use of their available resources for the development of the sending country and the country of settlement.
• Contributing to a much more sharply informed understanding of Africa, its peoples and cultures, by focusing on one segment of the African population.

Organization of Thesis:

The research is in six chapters and the conclusions:

In chapter one, various approaches on transnationalism will be examined and made into five typologies based on the available literature perused for the research, viz., transnationalism as: social morphology; mode of cultural reproduction; arena of capital and material resources; site of political opportunism and engagement; and (re) construction of "place" or locality. Chapter Two will discuss the Yoruba nation, its people and the history before and after contact with the "outside world". A detailed exposition corroborated with historical writings of eminent scholars of Yoruba history will be employed. The second section of this chapter will account for the current unfavorable conditions that make Nigeria "an unattractive" place to live. It will be argued that one of the major problems confronting Nigeria is corruption—Nigeria is a fertile ground for corruption to grow because of its colonial experience which transmutes into neocolonialism. This chapter will help readers understand the remaining parts of the thesis. Chapter three elucidates the theoretical orientation informing this research. In the first section, a theoretical approach to globalization, transnationalism and labor migration constitute the central themes, explicating the place of the Yoruba within the historical global capitalism. The second part of this chapter explains the interaction of the Yoruba society with the West. The analysis goes beyond explaining the material deprivation and dependency of the people; it privileges the psychological dependency on the "white race" as the superior people as also being a factor inducing migration. In chapter four, I will discuss the methodology adopted to collect data for the thesis. Here, the necessity of employing both the qualitative and quantitative methods will be justified. Also, my "personal experience" as it relates to the conduct and collection of the data and the field work experience will be given consideration. Chapter five analyzes the data collected—a look at the evolution of the Yoruba in Toronto, the characteristics of the population, activities, experiences and transnational practices, and the reaffirmation and reconfiguration of power in the social fields. Chapter six continues on the analysis but focuses on the roles of the Yoruba transnational voluntary organizations as the resource for the members in Toronto and in Nigeria. Lastly, the conclusion summarizes the main themes of the research, assesses the transnational social fields—strength and weakness, recommends the necessary improvement, and suggests areas for future research potentials.

Chapter One

Approaches on Transnationalism

1.1 Preamble Globalization and transnationalism are not new phenomena. These developments have always existed somewhat in pari passu in the context of international migration (Cohen, 1996; Mintz, 1998). In spite of its age-long existence, its academic scholarship was ignored until the 1980s for a number of reasons. Winland (1998) gives three reasons for this. One, the dominant view had always been that immigrants were those uprooted from their countries of origin to settle in a new land. It was therefore not until the dawn of globalization and its impact on the societies that the attention of scholars began to be drawn to the fact that transnational immigrants were capable of forming ethnic identities that were both local and global. Two, there had always existed a widespread assumption that the formation of ethnic communities often entailed a gradual shift in culture to that of the host societies, also known as assimilation. Hence, no cognizance was given to the fact that immigrants continued their culture in Diaspora. And lastly, the policies of multiculturalism often led to more essentialized identification of ethnic groups in host societies. In other words, multiculturalism as a cultural policy did not resonate the diverse histories, cultures and experiences of immigrants with disparate origins.

Considering the relative newness of this area in academic studies, it is amazing the number of works that have been produced in this field. While literature has been produced on transnational social spaces of immigrants from Europe, Latin America, the Caribbean, Central America, and Asia in North America, none has been written on any group from Africa. Could the lacuna in the availability of literature based on regionality have anything to do with the extension of low expectation of progression from the people of Africa? The dominant discourse is that African immigrants are refugees fleeing from war, famine, devastation and immiserable conditions. Nevertheless, this notion becomes superficial when the available literature has the same relevance to the observed performances of some African population in Diaspora.

In the 1980s, several scholars were challenged by their observations of transnational activities practiced by migrant groups that they were studying from the perspective of the "host" societies. They looked at various activities which connected both host and home countries but which were fraught with problems relating to a lack of framework for systematic discussion and analysis. In May 1990, some researchers organized a workshop in hopes of conceptualizing and analyzing transnational migration (Mahler, 1998: 74). Other scholars were involved in this task and the aftermath was a publication of the workshop papers in a book. In this publication, they came up with a definition of transnationalism "as the process by which immigrants build social fields that link together their country of origin and their country of settlement". Immigrants who build those social fields are designated "transmigrants". They are so called "transmigrants" because they "develop and maintain networks which are familial, economic, political, religious, and organizational that span national borders" (Schiller et al., 1992). Furthermore, in the footnote, the scholars explain the reason why they use the term "transnational", which they claim has long been used to describe corporations that have major financial investments in more than one country and a significant organizational presence in many countries simultaneously. This term is therefore deemed appropriate as a description for migrating populations that are involved in activities that span borders of two or more societies (Schiller, et al., 1992). This phenomenon has been used elsewhere as "transnationalism from above" and "transnationalism from below" respectively (see Smith & Guarnizo, 1998).

Over the years, according to Mahler (1998), various metaphors have been developed to describe transnationalism. Some of the terminologies ensuing in the literature have been "transnational social field", "transnational migrant circuit", "binational society", "transnational community", "global ethnoscape", "network" and "socio-cultural system". Even though each and every one of the terms to a reasonable extent describes this phenomenon, Mahler (1998) regrets that the use of many terms tends to obscure, and confuse the field but accepts among the heap of terms, "transnational social field" because it seems to be all encompassing, albeit not perfect (pg. 74).

As a heuristic device, I have made it a task to typologize five meanings of transnationalism based on different approaches in the available literature. These types are not exclusive of one another, some are reliant on others.

•Transnationalism as Social Morphology

•Mode of Cultural Reproduction

•Arena of Capital and Material Resources

•Site of Political Activism and Engagement

. •(Re) construction of place or locality

1.2 As Social Morphology:

The transmutation of ethnic Diasporas from the role of the oppressed to the challengers has come to the fore as a perspective for understanding transnationalism. Transnational social formation emerging in the Diaspora is a child of circumstances. These circumstances often stem out of fear, insecurity and discrimination encountered by these groups in the historical past. Cohen (1996) identifies five groups of Diasporas based on the classical meaning of the word. They are: One, the Jews who suffered from anti-Semitism in Europe and in North America. Two, the African Diaspora, which includes those brought to the Americas in shackles, turned into slaves and coerced into working for the plantation system. Three, the Armenians who experienced massacres in the 19th century and suffered from forceful displacement during 1914-16 under the Turks who deported about two-third of their population. Four, the Irish (1845-52) decimated by famine and who fled to North America--a traumatic experience! And lastly, the Palestinians, rendered homeless after the creation of the state of Israel in 1948 (pp. 512-513). Cohen adds that these days, "Diaspora" has now come to include different categories of people such as political refugees, alien residents, immigrants, expellees, and ethnic and racial minorities. The inclusion of other categories, in the second type of Diaspora, is in part caused by globalization. It is now more possible to re-enact Diaspora through the mind, cultural artifacts and a shared imagination. The challenging aspect of this development is that globalization "has brought about both the universalization and fragmentation and multiplication of identities" (Cohen, 1996: 516). While the classically defined Diasporas–the Jews, Africans, Irish, Armenians and the Palestinians--started as the oppressed and marginalized groups, they eventually rose to be the "challengers", and achievers in their "homes away from homes". The same applies to the second type of Diaspora who are now challenging the current state of affairs in the modern world.

Diasporas now pose a threat to the nation-state. Their demands, expectations and loyalty are not restricted to their place of settlement but are extended to their community of origin and co-ethnic members in other countries. What might be called a "cultural distinctiveness" is rapidly losing face at present. This is because identities are "increasingly coming to be deterritorialized and differently territorialized" (Gupta & Ferguson, 1992: 9). This situation is no more peculiar to the refugees, migrants, displaced and stateless peoples but to the general public, including those who might be considered as having fixed identities–"cultural difference is also present here at home". For example, it is hard to proclaim "Englishness" because England is as complicated and nearly as deterritorialized as ideas of Armenian-ness or Palestinian-ness (Gupta & Ferguson, 1992: 10).

The methodology of Anthropology as a discipline must swing its pendulum by accepting that culture is no longer what once defined it. Culture is no more "homogenous, local, well- bounded, and in clear one-to-one correspondence with distinct social units"(Wakeman, 1988: 88). Anthropology therefore needs to pay particular attention to the way spaces and places are magnified, contested and enforced, because the orthodox culture as known in the discipline (Anthropology) is no more tenable--the clear demarcation of "Us" and "Others" has become blurred (Gupta & Ferguson, 1992: 9). Ipso facto, both the traditional definitions of state and culture need to be reconsidered as well. As the above writers posit, could we agree in all entirety that their notions of cultural "deterritorialization" and "unboundedness" connote the impotence of nation-states and post national global activities? Is their perspective adequate enough to characterize transnational practices? Guarzino & Smith (1998) hold that the belief in "deterritorialization of the state" is doubtful. They believe that states still exert some control on the activities of their citizens and "alien groups". So, in what ways is the state in control of transnational practices? Guarzino and Smith come up with the following answers. One, historically, states and nations seeking statehood have often kept transnational connections of their Diasporas abroad. Examples are the Jewish, Greek and Armenians who have maintained their social formations abroad. Two, many nation-states with large population abroad are constantly promoting "transnational reincorporation" of their nationals abroad into state-sponsored projects. This practice is in part caused by the negative impact of neo-liberal economic policy that makes the less industrialized countries dependent on foreign investments and reliant on transmigrants’ remittances. Three, the agents of "receiving states" still have an active control over people and goods within their borders. It is therefore irrelevant to conceptualize as a "deterritorialization of state" the extension of "states of origin" beyond their national territories. Clear-cut demarcation indeed still exists between the "state of origin" and the "foreign territory". Four, local sites are still an important corollary to the functioning of transnational activities. Transmigrants are not totally disconnected from the local constraints and social moorings, established in their country of origin which is contrary to the concepts of "deterritorialization" and "unboundedness". The locality of migrants and the national contexts abroad must be put into consideration as influencing the possibility of generating, maintaining or giving up transnational ties; and this also dictates the nature of relationships that migrants can have with their place of origin. Certainly class, gender and regional factors within the locality contribute greatly to the critical determinants of migrants’ destination, attainment and transnationality (pp. 6-15).

1.3 As Mode of Cultural Reproduction:

Transnationalism is associated with a phenomenon that is subject to change in constructed styles, social institutions and everyday practices. These are usually explained in terms of sycretism, creolization, bricolage, hybridity and cultural translation. In this perspective, transnationalism is expressed in fashion, music, film, media information technology and visual arts (Vertotec, 1999: 451).

Immigrants reach out to their kind not only in the home country but in other societies of settlement around the world through the "ethnic media". Also, the "home" societies provide their population outside their borders with information on culture, politics, economics, history and potential opportunities available. Appadurai & Breckenridge (1989) comment that the reproduction of cultural practices and transformation of identity are being driven by "complex transnational flows of media images and messages" . They add that this is creating a disjuncture for Diasporic communities, because in most cases the electronic media conflict what they call the "politics of desire and imagination" with the "politics of heritage and nostalgia". The former is being fueled by the private enterprise of the market while the latter thrive on the apparatuses of nation-states (pg. iii). It has been discovered that ethnic media stand in opposition or as a challenge to the "globally dominant Eurocentric cultural structures" (Karim, 1998: 4). One of their main preoccupations is to present alternative worldviews to those of the elitist media conglomerates. Karim (1998) examines within the context of globalization three ways by which immigrants connect with one another media-wise. He mentions that trans-border information flows through film and television, digital broadcasting satellite systems and on-line services. For example, the transnational distribution of Indian films has significant consumption in South Asia, South East Asia, the Middle East and East Africa. The main market for this industry is the Indian Diaspora in these regions and in Western countries where cinemas showing Indian films attract audiences in cities with significant populations of South Asian origins (pg. 5). Similarly, the Cairo film and television industry exports to the Arab world and the larger Arab immigrants around the world. The Mexican and Brazil television networks, Televisa and TV Globo, respectively have been able to capture cross-cultural markets beyond their borders. Furthermore, modern immigrants in the developed countries now transmit programs to their Diasporic populations with the aid of digital broadcasting satellite technology. It is claimed that Diasporic programming using this technology has grown in the last few years, well ahead of many mainstream broadcasters (pg. 9). Diasporic groups are also making use of on-line services like the Internet, Usenet, Listserv and the World Wide Web. These world wide networks enable immigrants to connect with members of communities residing in various continents.

1.4 Arena of Capital and Material Resources:

Foreign capitals penetrate the Third World countries through the operations of the transnational capitalist class (Sklair, 1998). The transnational capitalist class is comprised of people from many countries who operate in different countries around the world as a normal part of their working lives. These people have both global and local perspectives to economic issues of the world. Sklair (1998) identifies four types within this class: (1). Transnational Corporation (TNC) executives and their local affiliates; (2). Globalizing state bureaucrats; (3). Globalizing politicians and professionals; and (4). consumerist elites (merchants, media) (pp. 3-4). They are transnationals in their own right because they are in control of the workplace, have political control in domestic politics and maintain the culture-ideology control in everyday life of the people through global competition and consumerist rhetoric and practice. Also, members are able to lay claims to citizenship of the world as well as their places of birth. This class emerges because of the domination of global economy by the major corporations who are part of the driving forces of globalization. It is a matter of fact that the global economy is dominated by corporations mostly domiciled in North America, Japan and Europe. These corporations are dominating the world in two ways: One, economic globalization involving foreign direct investment and benchmarking, and two, social globalization by their claim of global corporate citizenship and global vision (Sklair, 1998: 5-7).

It is important to mention that the domination of the world by the transnational corporations is not totally tolerated by the ordinary people, hence their practices are not unencumbered, particularly by people constituting themselves into social movements opposing globalization. In other words, it is not only corporations and some governments that are involved in transnational practices, but also real people. Ironically, it is the same strategies such as foreign direct investment, the global power of the mass media, the "culture ideology of consumerism" and globalization of finance that the multinational corporations use, that the "ordinary people" use to oppose them. For example, Sklair (1998) says that it is not uncommon for local groups that are globally aware to expose exploitation of labor and devastation of the environment. By the same token, people are expressing their antagonism to the global village of the mass media for its lack of taste and educational value; and the cultural ideology of consumerism is frequently being criticized and considered as a sign of depressing evidence of moral bankruptcy that characterizes our present age. One good example of strong opposition to corporate hegemony was the successful campaign against the Multilateral Agreement on Investment (MAI) which was being negotiated at the Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development (OECD) (pg.13), (now appears to be permanently tabled).

Furthermore, states in the underdeveloped and developed countries involve their nationals abroad in their own modernization and development projects. One particular example is India, which started to attract foreign investment and technology transfer from the beginning of the 1970s, after several years of government regulated economic policy. According to Lessinger (1991), the Indian government made it a policy in the 1980s to attract "nonresident Indian" (NRI) investment from North America, Europe, the Middle East, South-East Asia and Africa to come to India and participate in the new economic dispensation. Those Indian immigrant populations in the Caribbean and the Pacific were exempted from this program because they lacked the skills, the wealth and the necessary networks within India which make NRI investment possible. The Indian government decision at this time was a compromise between those who want to rid India of foreign economic influences and those who want to immerse it in global economic dependencies. The government opted for a neutral ground, "third force" because NRIs were neither full Indian nor fully foreign (pp.63-64).

It was the belief of the Indian politicians and policy makers that NRIs are more trustworthy, dependable, and less threatening than foreign investors and "more national"; but more efficient than the local capitalists. They were encouraged to use their foreign skills and capital in India to become shareholders; and to find new industries and resuscitate old ones. NRIs were given concessions not enjoyed by the local entrepreneurs and foreign investors. This economic policy brings about transnational entrepreneurs whose activities occur in several different social arenas as they shuttle between India and their adopted countries (Lessinger, 1991: 64). Their socio-economic involvement with India is no doubt boosted with relatively cheap and readily available telecommunication technology which makes regular contact possible and immediate. It was possible on the one hand to carry on with their transnational entrepreneurial duties and on the other hand, to be able to make regular contacts with their kith and kin in India, and to provide regular remittances to parents or siblings for social reproductive duties such as schooling, weddings and food.

Apart from organized social movements, ordinary people are "sidetracking" the social and economic disadvantages of globalization. They create communities sustained by informal activities. The restructuring going on in the advanced countries means labor must be cheap and it is the immigrants who are expected to do menial dead-end jobs. They repel this expectation by strengthening their social networks to generate some economic gains. Portes (1997) gives a few examples of buttressing of the economic initiatives embarked upon by transmigrants to avoid the drudgery and exploitation of global corporation. In the Dominican Republic, there are hundreds of small and medium-sized enterprises founded and managed by former immigrants to the US. They include small factories, commercial establishments of different types, and financial agencies (pg. 9). These enterprises are transnational because they depend on continuing ties with the US. In similar vein, members of the Otavalan indigenous community in the highlands of Ecuador have in the last quarter of a century been engaged in traveling to major cities in Europe and the US to market their traditionally produced wares. By doing this, they are able to eradicate the "middleman’s" position between the Third World indigenous producers and final consumers. Because of their incessant travels abroad over a long time, they have been able to attract people of foreign descents into their community in Ecuador. Moreover, a semipermanent Otavalan community has begun to appear abroad. What is unique about Otavalan communities abroad is that they neither depend on wage labor for subsistence nor on local self-employment but on the marketization of goods brought from Ecuador. This is made effective by constant communication with their home town to replenish supplies (Kyle, 1999).

Remittances is another means being adopted by transmigrants to counteract the domineering role of global capitalist power. Transmigrants send money to their home countries to set up firms and small businesses to serve the manifold needs of the immigrant communities and their counterparts at home. Remittances then contribute immensely to the local and national economies. For example, El Salvadorans in the US annually remit between $700 million to over $1 billion to El Salvador, their home country (Mahler, 1998: 70-71; also see Portes, 1997: 11). Investments are not mainly channeled to the underdeveloped countries from the developed countries by the immigrants but also goes vice-versa. For example, immigrants also bring monies into their "host society". Entrepreneurs from Taiwan, China and Hong Kong invest profitably in the US and Canada and become part of transnational community. The activities of these investors are not limited to the monetary benefit derived from their business, but there is a social ramification to this; for example, the birth of a child on American or Canadian soil guarantees US or Canadian citizenship and consolidates their stay. Hence, in their successful investments, coupled with citizenship rights, these immigrants have social mobility (Portes, 1997: 13-14).

Portes (1997), adds that while the initial motive of these immigrants may be economic, subsequent activities encompass political, social and cultural pursuits. Politically, governments and political parties establish offices abroad to seek financial and electoral support. By the same token, groups of immigrants organize politically to lobby the home government and influence the local municipality on various issues. Socially, churches and private charities partake in development projects to help their people "at home". Culturally, performers and artists use the expatriate communities in the developed countries to better themselves and thereby popularize their performances. The overall effect of this process is the transformation of the initial economic ventures into transnational communities, characterized by dense networks across space and a rise in the number of people who live dual lives (pg.14).

1.5 Site of Political Activism and Engagement:

There are emerging agents of global change which are as transnational as transnational corporations. These agents of change are Transnational Social Movements (TSMs). Cohen (1998) asserts that contrary to many existing definitions confining transnational communities to basically ethnic or religious movements, TSMs are also transnational communities in their operations. He adds that the principal TSMs are human rights, women’s, peace, labor, green or student movements. Others considered are Amnesty International, the Peace Brigades International, the International Confederation of Free Trade Unions, etc. (pg. 2). Furthermore, Kriesberg (1997) considers TSMs as a more loosely transnational operative that encompasses the transnational social movement organizations (TSMOs) (pg.1).

Social movements underwent some changes from the late 1960s onwards, caused by the shift from industrialization to post-industrialization in the developed countries of the West. The emerging social movements in the 1960s were different from the "old" labor and political movements before then because they began to represent the interests of those working in emerging post-industrial occupations (Cohen, 1998: 4). In recent years, the modus operandi of social movements have changed from being constrained to local and national affairs to global matters. Cohen (1998), gives five reasons for this change. One, many issues confronted by the Transnational Social Movements (TSMs) have become inherently transboundary in nature; for example, states cannot act alone in protecting their citizens from environmental damage. Two, economic globalization, global communications networks and cultural diffusions around the world have shrunk the world and made the peoples of the world closer than ever. Three, opposing the activities of Transnational Corporations (TNCs) requires transnational approaches that involve bypassing state structures of power. One good example is the destruction of Ogoniland in Nigeria by Shell which led to the consumer boycotts of Shell in Europe. Four, those in poor countries who are considered to lack a democratic system of government need TSMs. And fifthly, during the 1980s, most supporters of western social movements began to realize that they could not merely localize and nationalize their concerns without going global because what they had fought for within their own communities were in fact tied to much wider global structures (pg. 6).

Transnational social movement organizations are different from some non-governmental international organizations that fight for the rights of common citizens around the world. TSMOs are different from many International Non-governmental Organizations (INGOs) because the latter reinforce and reflect the status quo, while TSMOs such as Greenpeace and Amnesty International seek to bring change in the status quo (Kriesberg, 1997: 12). TSMOs are the harbinger of information transmission and dissemination of ideas and practices to different socially informed and active groups around the world, thus facilitating mobilization for movement agenda.

Looking at this paradigm from another dimension, members of transnational communities engage in "politics of homeland", orchestrated by the political actors of the "home country". In Haiti in 1990, President Aristide appealed to the support of Haitians abroad for his political campaigns when he launched a Lavalas For Home. It was this group based in North America and Western Europe, mostly composed of Haitian migrants in Miami, Montreal, New York, Chicago and Paris, who financed his campaign. It was these immigrant groups around the world that made it possible for him to have 67% of the vote in the 12 party contest on December 12, 1990 (Richman, 1992: 190). In addition, Basch et al. (1994) discuss "deterritorialized" nation-states and how this relates to the politics of recognition, citing the case of Haiti. President Aristide’s government in Haiti created the "Tenth Department" comprising the overseas Haitians to the already existing nine departments in Haiti. In another but rare case of transnational politics, the government of El Salvador is providing legal assistance to their nationals seeking refugee status in the United States, a political move geared toward realizing some monetary support for the Salvadoran economy (Mahler, 1998).

Apart from using immigrants’ supports in winning national political leadership tussle in the "home country" as explained above in the case of Haitian leadership launching Lavalas For Home, transmigrants also use their presence in the host society to politically repel the hegemonic practices prevalent there. For example, in 1990, the Haitians in the US protested against the Food and Drug Administration barring the Haitians from donating blood, the policy stemming from the perceived notion that an average Haitian was a potential carrier of Human Immunodeficiency Virus--the virus believed to be causing AIDS. They held demonstrations in New York, Miami, Boston and Chicago, and also at the US embassy in Port-au-Prince condemning this social construction of AIDS as evident in the Haitianization of the disease (Richman, 1992: 192).

1.6 (Re) construction of "Place" or Locality:

In this perspective, attention is diverted to reinterpretation of the idea of locality--special attention is being given to the fact that "locality" is a mutatis mutandis. The incessant and high level of social, economic and political interactions of peoples around the world made possible by the advancement in technology, especially telecommunications, films, video, satellite TV and the Internet have called for a new look on "place" and "locality". Apart from making human mobility more reliable and easy, modern technology has also made the transfer of information and ideas from one historical and geographical point to another more realistic. As a result of this, communication technology has contributed to translocal understandings (Vertotec, 1999: 455). We currently experience the movement of populations from one locality in the periphery to another locality in the metropolitan centers of the West. According to Appadurai (1995), locals are being transformed by the mass media in the electronic forms, in creating new sorts of disjuncture between spatial and virtual neighborhoods. Virtual neighborhoods are not bounded by territory, passports, taxes and elections but by access to international computer networks (pg. 219). Schiller et al. (1992); Goldring (1998) and Kearney (1995) propose that transnationalism has changed peoples relation and perception to space particularly by creating "social fields" that connect and situate actors in more than one country. Schiller et al. (1992), consider the "static models" employed by the social sciences to view immigrant populations within the theories that analyze each society as "a discrete and bounded entity with its own separate economy, culture, and historical trajectory" as being irrelevant today (pg. 6). The 19th and the 20th century incursion of the Europeans and the Americans to the populations variously designated as "tribes", "peoples", "natives", "ethnic groups" and "natural", resulted in migration, urbanization and acculturation; the development which has rendered the whole notion of "cultural boundedness" a nullity. And scholars in anthropology and sociology have called for a deconstruction of culture and a look toward "world systems theory" of Wallerstein (1974) and the concept of "interconnections" espoused by Wolf as part of the constituting guide to a global level of analysis. This is important to take note of because the local worlds of the so-called "tribes" and the global "world of systems" are becoming radically blurred (Schiller et al., 1992: 7). Transmigrants are creating fluid and multiple identities grounded both in their society of origin and in the host societies. By maintaining many different racial, national, and ethnic identities, transmigrants are expressing their resistance and shaking off their subordination within the global capitalist system, the situation Kearney calls the "implosion of periphery into the center" (1995: 554).

Transnationalism provides the avenues for people to contest for local status. In other words, localities of origin provide opportunities for people to improve their social position and acquire power. Goldring (1998) asserts that transmigrants are drawn into their local base because of the "social rewards" they gain from their peers who share claims to community membership (pg.174). Transmigrants get involved in their local communities by regular visits to their hometown for festival celebration, holidays, weddings, courtship and marriage proposals and donations of money and material goods because there are social meanings attached to these activities. These social meanings come in the form of valorization of individual and family members’ status (Goldring, 1998).

1.7 General Consensus and Lacunae:

By way of concluding this chapter, I will recap by drawing attention to matters that are common to all the approaches examined above and then point out the areas that need further consideration, in order to fill the missing gap.

In this chapter, five approaches based on typology of the available literature will have illuminated the various paradigms produced on transnational social fields. What is common to all these approaches are: One, that the dichotomization of the world into binary categories is very problematic in the current state of affairs in the world, and is no more necessary. Two, the ubiquity of technology and its empowering influence have called for a new understanding and conceptualization of globalization, community, nation and culture. The impact that technology has on social change cannot be underestimated. And three, global capitalism or late capitalism has become a powerful force to reckon with. It is thus serving an antithetical function. On the one hand, it is crusading around the world homogenizing different cultures through the penetration of foreign capitals by the transnational corporations and the simultaneous intermingling of cultures creating a "global ecumene"; the macro-economic approach of neoliberalism is being zealously pursued in various parts of the world. On the other hand, it is fragmenting the world into different categories of people who share things such as language, history, oppression, primordial sentiments and so on in a common-- "imagined community". How this has come to emerge will be discussed in detail in the next chapter, "Theoretical Framework". Until then, I will leave this analysis as it is presently.

There are areas that are still understudied or not studied at all in transnational research projects. There should be more literature and research conducted on gendered aspects of transnationalism. What are the roles of women in making transnational activities possible? How does gender fit into decision making in the transnational social fields? How does gender become renegotiated in the "host" country? How does this compare with the gender ideology in the community of origin? What is the nature of power within the transnational community? Is power reaffirmed or reconfigured? These questions could lead us to further research on this phenomenon. And other issues need to be addressed. If we talk about "global ecumene" (apology to Mahler, 1998: 64; Hannerz, 1989: 66), the Anthropological methodology that pitches "Us" against the "Other" then becomes obsolete; why is it that some parts of the world are more able to manufacture transnationals and develop transnational circuits than some other regions, such as Africa? Portes et al. (1999) attempt to answer this question, their explanation is not convincing enough. They point out that investigation of necessary conditions for "the rise of a phenomenon is helpful as a guide for empirical research". According to them, given technology as an example of a harbinger of grass-roots transnationalism, it follows then that the greater the access of an immigrant group to space and time compressing technology, the greater the scope and frequency in participation in transnational activity. Similarly, the closer the distance of nation of origin, the denser the set of transnational enterprises. While this explanation can explain part of the reasons for this omission, it does not explain it all. Distance is an issue, but there are groups from farther away that still maintain their transnational networks. By the same token, there are groups with high technological innovations that are never involved in transnational activities.

Some scholars such as (Schiller et al., 1992; and Portes et al., 1999) insist on "delimiting the transnational phenomenon". By this they caution us to be aware of the differences between ordinary activities being carried out by immigrants, from regular and sustained social contacts over time and across space. This is because it is important to manage the scope of transnationalism to contain activities that involve perennial flows of exchanges and the multiplication of activities that require "cross-border travel and contacts on a sustained basis" (emphasis mine). If all experiences of immigrants and all that they do are considered "transnational" (Portes et al., 1999: 219), they claim, then the concept becomes redundant and even spurious. How do we delineate between transnational and non-transnational immigrants? This single question has become multi-barreled when asked by Mahler (1998). She asks whether transmigrants can be "bifocal" if they do not oscillate between the "home" and "host societies". What about the flow of things and not physical bodies, such as letters, videos, films, photos, cassettes, etc.? How are these two conditions different from those who travel across borders perennially? Which is more important--the oscillation of bodies or perpetuation of non-living things such as remittances and consumer goods sent to kith and kin in far away lands (pg. 79)? These questions call for some, but more important areas of transnational social fields that need further investigation. Lastly, Portes et al., assert that "high intensity of exchanges, the new modes of transacting, and the multiplication of activities" that involve crossing national boundaries constitute "original transnationalism" (1999: 219). How can this be possible? This task cannot be accomplished easily without a sense of scale and some common indicators to determine the weight, frequency as well as the intensity of transnational relations that are prevalent in the communities involved. In order to do this, both qualitative and quantitative analyses are necessary to elucidate a question of this nature (see Guarnizo & Smith, 1998: 28-29).

Chapter Two

Yoruba Nation Before and After Contact With Other Cultures

2.1.1 Preamble

Yoruba as a people had existed for hundreds of years before the advent of the Europeans. The Yoruba nation is one of the recipients of the universal spread of modernism which is affecting all peoples around the world. When one looks at African nations today, the urban growth is manifested in population growth, thus making the cities havens for freedom of political, social, moral and cultural expressions and liberation in comparison to the villages where the life style is regimentally controlled by norms and taboos. The development of African cities is not unconnected with their contact with the Western world. The Trans Atlantic Slave Trade and colonialism had a biased notion of development. The areas close to the coast attracted a high population density of rural dwellers, who constituted the proletariat class in the cities, while the rural areas were left to fend for themselves. For example, the early contact of the Yoruba through commerce with the Portuguese merchants in the 15th century opened up a new opportunity for trade with the Portuguese and exposure to European goods and cultural practices (Osuntokun,1987: 128). This development culminated in Lagos becoming the third most populous city in continental Africa after Cairo and Johannesburg. As Osuntokun (1987) mentions, by the 16th century, exchange of goods had changed to the people themselves, having been purchased by the Europeans. By the end of the 19th century, the West docked the slave ships and replaced them with gun boats which ushered an era of colonialism that lasted for about 75 years. There is no gainsaying that there is no aspect of African culture that was not affected by European contact. Perhaps we should maintain some decorum and agree with Olaogun (1996) who suggests that academic energy should not be expended on repeating the myth of displacement of indigenous culture by the European values and forms, but to focus academic scholarship on determining and analyzing the extent and mechanism of change and adjustment with each integral social unit (pg. 48).

The chapter is divided into two sections. In the first section, I set out to examine the Yoruba ethnic group with particular reference to their land and culture before and after their contact with European cultures. In this endeavor, I have made use of a historical methodology, employing historical writings of eminent scholars of Yoruba history and culture.

Was it not Herodotus considered the father of Western History, who tells us in the Persian Wars that the mission of his writing is to preserve that which owes its existence to men "lest it be obliterated by time, and to bestow upon the glorious, wondrous deeds of Greeks and barbarians sufficient praise to assure their remembrance by posterity and thus make their glory shine through the centuries"? Mills (1959) talks about the recognition of any society within world history. If Mills is taken seriously, then, the importance of recognizing history enables us to know who these people were, how they had changed and the possibility of using their cultural capital for the development of their transnational practices. Olaogun (1996) writes that historical analysis "provides the most vital approach for understanding the Yoruba institutions and even attitudes, values and behavior...Historical study enables us to see how what is has come to be what it is..." (pg. 49). If historical study truly benefits the understanding of the impact of changes in a society, it will as well illuminate the present; through this we can understand why groups retain some aspects of their culture and why they neglect some and fuse other cultural elements with theirs. Thus, the study of the history, tradition and culture of the Yoruba people will help immeasurably to understand their transnational practices in the Diaspora.

In the second section, I discuss the post colonial social, economic and political situations of Nigeria as a nation-state, highlighting its failure to engineer the economy to take care of its citizens due to the abysmal corruption of its leadership. I argue that the plunder and the larcenous practices in Nigeria is a collusion between the ruling elites and the international capital. The cumulative effect of the predatory state--endemic, structurated and degenerative--has a serious implication on the society. Most importantly, it has a contributory impact on brain drain, the migration out of Nigeria of able-bodied men and women, and transnational practices.

2.1.2 Yoruba Nation: Their Land and People:

The people now known as Yoruba are comprised of the peoples of Ijebu, Akoko, Ife, Ijesha, Ekiti, Ondo, Egba, Awori, the Egba, Oyo, Ilorin, Idoko, Ikale, the Yagba, the Igbomina. The Yoruba are mostly found in the Federal Republic of Nigeria, but there are pockets of Yoruba in the Federal Republic of Benin, who are known as Nagot, and those of French Togoland are called Ana. Yoruba immigrants in Sierra Leone are known as Aku, while the descendants of Yoruba slaves in Cuba are known as Lukumi (Forde, 1951: 1). Of late, the Yoruba nation has come to include the descendants of slaves of Yoruba descent in Brazil, Cuba, Trinidad and the United States ( (1999)). According to Fadipe (1970), the Yoruba (applicable to those on the core area--in the Federal Republic of Nigeria) speak a language known as Yoruba which is of the Sudanic family. The word Yoruba is more of a linguistic rather than an ethno-cultural group (pg.29). Nevertheless, all the Yoruba make claim to the common ancestry linked to Oduduwa and Ile-Ife which is commonly believed to be their original home. Today, the Yoruba occupy six states in Nigeria, which are Ogun, Lagos, Osun, Ekiti, Ondo and Oyo. There is a large number of them in Kwara and Kogi states as well. My exposition in this section of the chapter is restricted to the core areas of the southwestern part of Nigeria, because it is in this area that the culture thrives most.

According to Forde (1951), the geographical location of Yoruba population starts from the Guinea Coast west to the Niger Delta, 200 miles inland to Niger where it flows southeast to join the Benue, and extending west into Benin Republic and Togoland (pg. 1). Yorubaland is located within the tropics, nearer to the equator than to the Tropic of Cancer. The east-west coastline is estimated to be about 6 degrees 22'North of the equator; the southernmost point is about 6 degrees 0'N, while the northernmost part is about 9 degrees 05'N. Kishi, one of the most northerly Yoruba towns is about 9 degrees 0'North. The longitudinal references are about 2 degrees 40'E., and 6 degrees 0'E. in the north-east (Ojo, 1966: 22).

The geographical location of Yorubaland makes for two major seasons--dry and wet, November to March and April to October respectively. This location is supportive of agriculture, commerce and trade.

2.1.3 Creation of Yoruba Nation: The Oduduwa Dynasty:

The origin of Yoruba people is still a fertile ground for debates among scholars of Yoruba history, in part caused by the non-literacy of pre-European Yoruba society. Ipso facto, oral accounts of origin have been relied on. Given the nature and limits of this study, I will confine my exposition to the history of the origin of Yoruba nation to a non-controversial account. There are two different but corroborative accounts which point to the single powerful figure of Oduduwa as the founder of the Yoruba nation. The first account has a cosmogonical explanation of how the nation was created, while the second has a political interpretation of the creation.

2.1.3.1 Cosmogonic Story: Orisanla (Obatala), the arch-divinity was instructed by Olodumare, God the creator to create a solid land from the surface of the earth which was covered with water. Orisanla descended from heaven with a snail shell full of earth, a cock and palm kernels. The content of the snail shell was emptied and the cock spread the earth with his feet. The wide expanse of land became filled up with the earth, and those areas that the cock could not fill with the earth remained as oceans, seas, lagoons and so on until today. The spot on which the earth was poured for the cock to spread is called Ile-Ife–a wide area of land.

The following account is the variant of the above account. Orisanla the arch-divinity, on his way to carry out the instruction of Olodumare to create the world got drunk from drinking palm wine and fell asleep. When he failed to return at the expected time, Olodumare got worried and sent another divinity--Oduduwa to go and find out about the situation of things. Oduduwa came and found him lying in a stupor, but instead of waking him up, decided to take over the task and he completed it. Oduduwa received a eulogy for this mission accomplished and was regarded as the one who completed the task of creation of the universe. Obatala felt very ashamed when he woke, and because of his experience, mandated his followers never to drink palm wine.

2.1.3.2 Political Version: This version is more factually-oriented than the first one. It goes that the Yoruba originated from the children of Canaan, who were of the tribe of Nimrod (known as Lamurudu in Yoruba). They originally dwelled in Upper Egypt, or Nubia, but followed the Egyptian conqueror Nimrod in his wars of conquest as far as Arabia where they settled for some time. They were driven from Arabia because they refused to be converted to Islam from Christianity or paganism. From there, they advanced to the interior of Africa. According to the account of an explorer, Captain Clapperton, "on their way (i.e. to the interior of Africa) they left in every place they stopped at, a tribe of their own people. Thus it is supposed that all tribes of the Soudan who inhabit the mountains are originated from them as also are the inhabitants of Ya-ory..." (Cited in Johnson, 1921: 6). The group led by Oduduwa arrived in Ile-Ife where they fought with the Aboriginals and conquered them. Oduduwa was survived by Okanbi, also known as Idekoseroake who died in Ile-Ife as well and left behind seven princes and princesses (Johnson, 1921: 7). From these offspring sprang the various tribes of the Yoruba nation which are Olowu of Owu, Alaketu of Ketu, Oba of Benin, Orangun of Ila, Onisabe of Sabe, Olupopo of Popo, and Oranyan, the seventh and the last born who became the ruler of the Yoruba proper, the Oyos (Johnson, 1921: 8). All these princes became kings who wore crowns that differentiated them from those other rulers who did not wear crowns but coronets called Akoro.

The latter version seems to be the most credible account of the founding of the Yoruba nation. What is most crucial in both versions is the roles played by Oduduwa; he was both the spiritual and political father of all Yoruba groups, and also, Ile-Ife is considered by all as the cradle of civilization, the sacred home of the Yoruba and the cradle of human race--Ife o o daye, ibi oju ti n mo wa ile aye. Accordingly, Yoruba cosmogony validates the beliefs of the people that the earth and all the inhabitants including human beings were created by a supreme being called Olodumare. The Yoruba are strong believers in one absolute transcendental and immanent being, who has power over everything. He is Oba Aiku, arinu rode olumonran okan (the most powerful that never dies–an All-Knowing), Alewilese Olodumare (the most powerful, whose word is action), and other names to qualify His power.

2.1.4 Traditional Economies:

2.1.4.1 Farming: The Yoruba people as other peoples of the world exploit the natural environment for their sustenance. This practice of exploiting the natural environment for sustenance is part of human culture. Human practice of exploiting and utilizing the natural environment for basic needs is what Ojo (1966) calls concrete cultural complexes. Ipso facto, farming is one of Yoruba concrete cultural-complexes. Other concrete cultural complexes are fishing, smithing, weaving, wood carving and so on and so forth.

Before the advent of the Europeans, a vast majority of the Yoruba people were farmers. Farming was carried out with simple implements such as hoe and cutlass which were indigenously manufactured. Crops were grown for domestic consumption and some were exchanged for other items based on trade by barter (Johnson, 1921: 117). The indigenous crops grown in this period were yellow Guinea Yam (dioscorea cayenisis) and the wild species of Dioscorea; certain crops such as plantain, banana, cocoyams and other types of domesticated yams introduced from contact with the East were also grown. Contact with Europeans, especially the Portuguese, introduced more crops namely maize, cassava, sweet potato, groundnuts, capsicums, pawpaw (carica papaya), tobacco, para rubber, egg plant, okra, mango and tomato. The Portuguese also brought sugar cane via the Mediterranean and the lime, orange and lemon from India. The kola tree (cola acumiata), and the oil palm (Eleaesis) were indigenous, but were then not cultivated–they were left to grow wild (Ojo, 1966: 52).

Farming in those days, as a means of subsistence was as important as the social labor involved in carrying it out. The deployment of labor for farming reflected the social structure of Yoruba societies which was based on kinship. Then, people worked the lands in groups and not as individuals. Family or lineage constituted the basic group formation for farm work. Each family group used the land as far as human capabilities could bring it. Farm portions belonged to the users as long as the land was occupied, and unoccupied land belonged to the king who was the custodian for the people. In order to assist one another in clearing forests and as well as for protection from wild animals, related family members farmed close to one another. But as time went by, land ownership evolved, by which certain portions of the land belonged to members of same extended family. And all extended families in the same area gave the power for re-allocation and reapportioning of land to the eldest man in the community.

According to Ojo (1966), there are three types of group farming. One is familial lineage farming involving all male members of a farm-going age and of patrilineal descent working together throughout the farming year under the supervision of the eldest. The produce of labor belonged in all its entirety to the patrilineal group, the female members by birth and by marriage who were included by virtue of their position as the domestic staff. The father of the group provided clothing and even women to marry at the appropriate times by exchanging the farm products through barter. This type of group farming was not only carried out by those related by blood filiation and descent; for example, the head chief organized the labor of many immigrants or strangers within his vicinity for the purposes of group farming. By the same token, warriors absorbed slaves into the manual force of patrilineal group.

The second category of group farming is aro, known in some areas as airo, oya or abo. This involves the rotation of communal manual labor by male descendants of the same forefather. Those of age-group also performed aro. In this case, men of same age-group worked on the farms of important members of the community, and their services could be reciprocated in other ways than by farming.

The third type of group farming was owe or ebese. People of the same male ancestry worked for a day or two to clear a farm in return for food and palm wine. This is the largest mode of labor mobilization for group farming. It involved up to 100 or more people depending on the social standing of the man raising the owe. Unlike aro, the organization of labor under owe or ebese was not based on rotational quid pro quo. The major rewards were food, palm wine and kolanuts supplied at work, and home at the end of each day’s work (pp. 58-61).

2.1.4.2 Commerce and Trade: The Yoruba people also engaged in commerce. Commerce comes next in order of importance to farming. Trade by barter was the dominant mode of carrying out commercial transactions. Cowry shells served as a medium of exchange for local small exchanges. In those days, products of the north were exchanged for those of the south; in most cases, the Yoruba transacted trade with their neighbors through trade by barter. Both men and women engaged in trade but each traded his/her own products.

2.1.4.3 Medicine: Both men and women practiced medicine. Medicine men and women specialized in curing people of ailments. These people are adahunse (Johnson, 1921: 121). They usually had inmates in their custody who were suffering from debilitating diseases such as insanity, leprosy, etc. Those who were too poor to pay in either cash or kind remained in the doctor’s household and served as his/her servants. Certain clans specialized in medicine and the secret of their practice was not divulged to "outsiders", but passed on from one generation to another. In traditional Yoruba society, anyone could compound herbs if he/she knew the art and could give it to any indisposed members of his/her family.

2.1.4.4 Smithery and Iron Smelting: These were specializations of men. Before the advent of the Europeans, all materials made of iron and steel, such as weapons of war, pins, needles, farm implements and the like were indigenously made. The availability of iron ores in certain parts of Yoruba land made occupations in iron smelting possible. The name "Ilorin" was derived from "ilo irin", meaning iron grinding. Certain parts of Ekiti, such as Okemesi were also famous for their iron ores. Heat for smelting iron was being generated from charcoals made from hard woods. Shells from palm nuts were used to burn those hard woods. Later, the Europeans came to introduce cheap iron rods and bars, which then displaced the indigenous home-made products (Johnson, 1921: 120). Before the arrival of the Europeans, mineral resources, such as Gold, silver, tin, diamond, etc. were not known to the Yoruba.

2.1.4.5 Wood Carving: This was mostly done by men. Household and farming implements are made from wood--handles were made for knives, cutlasses and axes. Other materials made from woods are door handles, lintels, benches, stools, pestle and mortar, trays, dishes and bowls, spoons and ladles undecorated and a part of some drums and boats.

2.1.4.6 Fisheries: Fishing was not an occupation widely practiced by the Yoruba. It was an occupation mostly practiced by those who lived close to the coast.

2.1.4.7 Women’s Areas of Specialization:

2.1.4.7.1 Yarning Industry: This was predominantly done by women. They would buy yarn, bleach and dye them in all kinds of colors, and sell them to the weavers. Both males and females partook in weaving, but more women did it than men. The yarn making industry was undertaken by women throughout Yorubaland before the coming of the Europeans. This is because it was part of their reproductive role to clothe the family, as it was men to feed them. Every woman was assisted by her daughters to gin, card and spin.

2.1.4.7.2 Pottery: This is another industry dominated by women, even though men could help with digging out the clay for molding because of the manual labor involved. Pots of different sizes for domestic usages and sales in the market were made by women. Pottery was not devoid of artistic work.

2.1.4.7.3 Bead work: Beads were made from the hard shells of palm nuts, or from cocoa nut shells. It is among female industries.

Other occupations largely practiced by women were beer brewing, palm oil making, rearing of domestic animals, such as goats and chickens; and hair dressing.

Johnson (1921: 125) and Fadipe (1970: 151) note that, in traditional Yoruba society, women were by far more industrious than men. Women and girls were always working both in the homes and outside in the farm, while boys and young men seemed to have more leisure time.

2.1.4.8 Slavery and Iwofa:

According to Fadipe (1970), there are a few different ways by which people became slaves before contact with the Europeans. A person may be enslaved due to debt, crime, capture in battle or conquered towns, kidnaping for sale, being born to slave parents and self-condemnation. Self-condemnation could result from a situation where a person suffered from an ailment and had depleted all her/his resources for a cure with no avail, but found one person who could cure him/her. She therefore submits herself/himself to the curer (pg. 180-181).

Slaves often worked in their master’s farm, but were also given their own plots of land (Forde, 1951: 26). A woman slave could help the master’s wife (ves) do domestic chores. Slaves were used to fight in wars. Slaves who fought in wars commanded some respects in the society especially if their skills and art of war were superior. Slaves also served as the custodian of shrines. Masters could give female slaves to male slaves to marry, and their offspring automatically became slaves. Slavery in Yoruba society was different from the European concept of slavery which resulted in the transplantation of black Africans to the American plantation and mines via the Atlantic. Even though there seem to be some similarities, overall, how a slave was treated in a pre-capitalist Yoruba society was far different from what black slaves experienced in the hands of their European captors. Having said that, in Yoruba, an enslaved person did not have the same social and political rights as a free person.

Johnson (1921) points out that the term iwofa has no equivalent in English. He defines iwofa as "one who serves another periodically in lieu of the interest on money lent" (pg. 126). For a Yoruba-speaking person, you can only "pawn" goods or items but not human beings. The word "pawn" used for "iwofa" is a mistranslation--human beings are not "pawned" by the Yoruba (pg.126). Wolf’s (1982) characterization of African slavery is wrong when he equates pawnship with slavery (pp. 207-208); pawnship in African context is totally different from slavery. While a slave had no political and social rights in most cases, a "pawned person" could cease to be under the control of his/her master once the debt had been paid. As a matter of fact, an "iwofa" (translated to pawn in English) did not necessarily have to live in his or her master’s household, a married iwofa slept in his/her home and came back to work the next morning. Johnson (1921) says, "a man iwofa lives in his own house and plies his own trade, but he is required to clean a piece of land equal to 100 yam heaps or an equivalent in his master’s farm once a week..." (pg. 127)--the Yoruba week consists of five days. On the other hand, a minor iwofa lived and stayed in the master’s house who would give him/her food and protection. If a slave died in the master’s house, no eyebrows would be raised, but if an iwofa died due to mistreatment from the master, the master lost the debt and also got sanctioned by the authority. It is also important to point out that Wolf (1982) is not correct in his exposition when he writes that "......pawns, criminals and captives....did not become members of domestic groups, but instead were put to work in the chief’s gardens, in the royal gold mines..." (pg. 208). Of course

, these groups were being used for productive purposes, but a slave that proved himself/herself, say in the art of war assumed a privileged position (Fadipe, 1970: 182). Moreover, if an unmarried female iwofa is sexually abused by the master, he would incur the wrath of her family and that of the person she had been betrothed to; in addition to this he faced the authority and forfeited his money. In Yoruba traditional practice, if the master decided to marry his female slave, he automatically gave her her freedom. And the issues from that relationship had no social or political inhibitions--the children from this relationship had the same rights as other children in the household and in the community.

2.1.5 Birth:

Forde (1951), says that a child is named from 3-9 days after birth (pg. 27). According to Johnson (1921), a male child is named on the 9th and on the 7th if a female; and if they happen to be twins of both sexes, the naming will be on the 8th day (pg. 79). The naming ceremony among the Yoruba is quite elaborate, and is usually performed early in the morning to enable those present to go about their normal activities for the day. At the ceremony would be present principal members of family and friends. Some Yoruba groups consulted the Ifa divination to know what kind of person the child would grow up to be, and also to verify if he or she was a redivivus of a particular ancestor. A child could possibly have as many as four names but did not necessarily have to answer to more than one. The four categories of names are, the amutorunwas, abiso, abiku names and orile/oriki or totem.

(1) Amutorunwa: children were named based on the circumstances by which they were born. This same name can be applicable to those born under similar circumstances. Examples of such names are:

(a) Taiwo--for the first born of twins (considered to be the younger).

(b) Kehinde--for the second set (considered to be the older--based on the myth that he/she sent Taiwo to go and find out about the world).

(c) Dada--curly headed child.

(2) Abiso: A Yoruba proverb says "ile ni a n wo ki a to so omo l’oruko". Names are not given to a child at random. The choice of name for child has to do with the circumstances of the parents at the time of its birth. That is why, there is no Yoruba name without some meaning. Yoruba names are significant of some thing or event. Examples are:

(a ) Ayodele–joy enters the house.

(b) Temitope–I am grateful to God.

(c) Iyapo–Many tribulations.

Another variation of this class of names are the names given to those of royal birth, namely,

(d) Aladesanmi–the crown is to my favor.

(e) Adeyanju–The crown has made peace.

Also, some abiso names are based on the deity worshiped in particular families; examples,

(f) Sangogbemi–Sango (the god of thunder and lightening) is on my side.

(g) Ogundele--Ogun (the god of war) has come home.

(3) Abiku Names: There are children believed to belong to a cult of demons living in the woods. These children are believed to have arranged with their cult members prior to birth to die prematurely so that they could make their parents sad. In fact mortality was indeed high in pre-European contact. Therefore, many Yoruba still believe in abiku, but medical facts have pointed to the fact that the lack of proper medication and sanitation are the major cause of infant mortality rate in most societies. However, based on some beliefs and experiences over a long period of time, the Yoruba have come to know that certain individuals have some supernatural power which modern science has failed to dispel. Some of the names given to abiku children are,

(a) Malomo–do not go again.

(b) Kokumo–shall never die again.

(c) Kosoko–there is no more hoe (implying that we do not have any hoe to dig your grave again).

(4) Oriki or Pet names:

This category of names express what the child is, and what it is hoped to become. This is also known as "praise name". There are different pet names for males and females.

Males:

(a) Ajagbe–one who carries off after a fight.

(b) Ajani–one who possesses after a fight.

Females:

(c) Amoke–whom to know is to pet.

(d) Asabi–one of select birth.

2.1.6 Marriage:

The Yoruba traditional mode of marriage is much different from what is obtaining today. In ancient times, Yoruba were mostly monogamic, albeit, polygyny was not forbidden. But only rich people could meet the responsibilities of having more than one wife (Johnson, 1921: 113). Being a relatively very simple society then, wants were few. Young men married early once they were able to support a family. And once a man reached a marriageable age and had not married, he was referred to as apon, a non-favorable term. If the man refused to marry after a protracted period of time, he might have to leave the town or village because the gossip would be too much for him to bear, thus if he had no sexual disability, he would have to marry before he was considered an apon. But today, things have changed, although the expectation is still there for a man to marry at the appropriate time (Fadipe, 1970: 65). In the case of women, due to the marriage arrangement, it was easy for her to marry a man who had already had other women.

In those days, a female child could be betrothed before birth. For example, a man could take interest in his neighbor who had, say about three or four wives. He might begin by giving presents to this neighbor. Quite often, these presents were farm produce such as fresh corn or firewood for the man and her family. As he was doing this, he would be reminding the man that "once one of your wives has a baby girl, it will be my wife"; the response would be, "may we live to that time". Once one of the wives got pregnant, the man would continue to take care of both the man and the pregnant woman. If the woman gave birth to a girl, that meant he was lucky. He would continue to give the family gifts and spend some time helping the to-be parents-in-law on the farm. As the child came of age, she would recognize that man as the fiancee. In traditional Yoruba custom, a child must not refuse who the parents had asked him or her to marry, otherwise he/she would be cursed.

Another way of courting and marrying is closely related to the above but different in the sense that both the male and female were adults of marriageable ages. Parents kept vigil on their marriageable wards to ensure suitability of the partner. Also, the male could look out for a woman to marry. It was the role of alarina, or "intermediary", who was usually a woman, to liaise between the man and the woman. Once it was deemed mutually possible for both parties to meet, she organized the meeting, which thus completed her own assignment.

Competition was always involved as many suitors would be visiting when the lady was pretty and of a noble background. Private encounter between the suitor and prospective bride was forbidden. Parents called the lady to meet her suitor if they were at home when he visited. She was not to visit her suitor at his home. In case of competition, special attention was given to one of the suitors based on the parents’ advice, causing other suitors to "keep off" and her family members to recognize the preference as the would-be husband. It must be stressed at this juncture that, in both of the ways of courtship, pre-marital sex was forbidden. In the process of courtship between the two, parents on both sides began enquiries into the background of the prospective groom/bride, to be sure that there was no hereditary diseases such as insanity, epilepsy, leprosy and that they were not insolvent debtors. Financial background was not a special consideration. Ifa oracle was then consulted, and all things being equal, with the parental approval on both sides, idana would follow.

Idana is very important because it was then that all family members of both parties meet for the first time. Idana could be held very early in the morning or in the evening. For idana, goods, palmwine, schnapps, obi, oyin and other emblems of fruitfulness would be brought to the bride’s family, and some of them would be used to entertain the guests and members of the groom’s family. Idana is equivalent to marriage. Dowry payment was part of idana, but contrary to the perception in the West that in traditional marriage Africans exchange their daughters for money, with respect to Yoruba culture, it was not mandatory for the groom to pay money to the bride’s family. Most parents now reject the money paid at the idana on the ground that their daughter is not for sale. According to Johnson (1921), in ancient times, people paid dowry according to their ability (pg. 114). After idana, the date of marriage would be mutually agreed upon between the young man and the parents on the one hand and between them and the father of the girl on the other hand. The day that the woman is led into the husband’s house is called igbeyawo–carrying the bride.

In Yoruba culture, a woman was expected to enter her husband’s place with virginity--virgo intacta. A bride found to have had any pre-marital sex was a disgrace to herself and her family and would be severely punished for this, often resulting into flogging by the husband. The man who rendered her non virgo intacta would be considered a culprit by the society and would have to pay the bride price back to the husband (Johnson, 1921: 115; Fadipe, 1970: 66). Sex before marriage was against the mores of the society, though carried out covertly. There are ways to get around this rule, for example, a boy or a man could violate the person of the girl betrothed to him prior to marriage. All he had to do afterward was to pay the bride-price. Accordingly, there are two ways of checking or controlling pre-marital sex. One, is the self-discipline on the part of the man by his recognizing the importance that society placed on maidenhead on the bridal night. And on the part of the woman, it was expected that she maintained both physical and psychological separation from the man prior to igbeyawo. The second check was the negative consequence of having any sexual relationship with a betrothed woman. A man caught doing this disrepute himself and his kindred, and was liable to damages from the man that the girl had been betrothed to. Another way that a man can have a sexual encounter with a woman against the norm without jeopardizing a woman’s virginity was to have sex with a married woman. But the risk of doing this was high, as people were afraid of contracting magun–a potentially fatal magical spell that could result in immediate death, which was discreetly put on the woman by a jealous husband. In traditional Yoruba society, pre-marital and loose sexual practices were prohibited.

Having touched on this, it is noteworthy to mention a particular practice that predated both Islam and Christianity, which is female circumcision. As said earlier, virgo intacta on the bridal night was a desire for most women, their parents and kindred. In the light of this, a woman’s sexual drive must be controlled. Female circumcision is a practice where the prepuce of, or all of the glans clitoridis is "peeled". In some cultures, Yoruba exempted, female circumcision is carried out to the extent that the clitoridis is removed and the woman’s private part sewn! Two major reasons have been adduced for the practice among the Yoruba. One, to control the sexual drive of the woman as it was believed from the historical past, that it is a guide against promiscuity. In other words, to make a woman "less jumpy" so to speak. Being a patriarchal society, women are expected to focus on the reproductive roles, such as child rearing, cooking, etc., rather than deriving pleasure from sex. Logically, the Yoruba ancestors might consider the "peeling" of the clitoridis as a ward against unwanted pregnancies, venereal diseases and infidelity. And secondly, traditional Yoruba society was riddled with all sorts of superstition, and infant mortality was very high. Some people believed that if a child’s head touched the clitoridis while being delivered, it would die. It is important to add that female circumcision is not being practiced by all Yoruba groups, but to delineate those who do and do not accurately, would be an Herculean task. For example, most Ondo, Ife, Egba and Ekiti do practice it while a vast majority of the Ijebu do not. If an Ijebu woman gets married to an Ife man where it is being practiced, she has no choice other than to abide by the husband’s custom.

In traditional Yoruba society, there was no gender equality and women were considered the "weaker sex". A man could "put his wife away" temporarily or permanently without her consent, but a woman was not supposed to leave the husband’s home. A woman that left her husband’s place to live with parents or by herself was regarded a ilemosu, a disparaging term. In comparison to the colonial and post-colonial eras, women had more power in traditional Yoruba society, in the period preceding the Europeans. Mba (1987), writes that in pre-colonial Yorubaland, it was possible for women to gain wealth as men in trade and they had control over their economic activities (pg. 243). Women were in control of markets, they fixed prices and controlled the movement of goods to and from other markets. Most opportunities enjoyed by women in the pre-colonial Yoruba society were lost with the introduction of wage labor by the Europeans.

2.1.7 Funerals:

The Yoruba had an elaborate form of burying their dead. How a person would be buried depended at the age that he or she died. The Yoruba believed that the dead were still members of the community, especially those who died at a ripe age. Once a person died, having lived a healthy life and had contributed positively to the community, he/she would be accorded a decent burial. But for a sorcerer and an enemy of community, his/her death would be treated with less glamour as it would not command the presence of members of the community. Ignominious treatment of a person after death was to deter anti-social acts. Those who died old and who were known for honesty, valor and respect for the customs and community were considered as ancestors after death. But if a person died prematurely in the course of fighting for the community or carrying out humanitarian acts, or lived a decent life beneficial to the community, he or she could also be considered as an ancestor.

When a person died at a ripe age, the burial ceremony was usually very elaborate. The Yoruba did not use cemeteries and the corpse was not interred in a coffin. In rare cases, a wealthy person could be buried in a coffin (Johnson, 1921: 137). Yoruba buried their dead in the house because they believed that he or she was part of the household. At the death of an old person, the relatives and all the extended family members would be summoned if they were not around. The corpse would thereafter be washed with locally made soap, ose dudu by the dead person’s siblings. After this, he or she would be laid-in-state. In those days, there were no mortuary services. The burial could be delayed for four to five days, in part to enable all members of the family who were not within the vicinity to arrive and take part in the celebration. The grave for the dead person would be dug without any use of chemicals for preservation. It would be systematically made to give room for a place where the corpse could be kept in such a way that when it decomposed the stench would not come up to pollute the air in the house and the neighborhood.

For the burial/interment, the children and kin members-both paternal and maternal would donate textiles that would be used to wrap the corpse. This was in obligation of their kinship solidarity (Johnson, 1921: 137). Also, every other familial attachment to which the dead offered the same service to in his or her life time must also do the same to him in death. Funeral ceremony engendered a re-union of all the members of the extended family. When it was a "proper death", it called for wining and dining from the day of the death till after interment. On the day of interment, emotion produced tears no matter how old the person might be. A few days after, a date would be fixed for the funeral ceremony. Throughout the processes, the wife (ves) of the dead became widow(s), staying indoors for as long as three months. If the need arose for her/them to go outside, she/they would appear in black dress and would put on a sober look, and she/they should not participate in social activities for the whole period of mourning. That is that about those who died at a ripe age.

For those who died prematurely, that is, those who still had many older survivors, no ceremony was performed, and the interment was rushed. For a middle-aged man or woman, the younger siblings and relatives took charge while the older ones took no part. If the dead had children that were old enough and had some money to spend to entertain guests, they observed the ceremonial aspect, but without the involvements of those older than the dead. In traditional Yoruba culture, an older person should not mourn the death of younger ones. Feasting at such events was a violation of tradition, a taboo. As was personally told, it is vehemently frowned upon, and nobody does it even now.

2.1.8 The Socio-Political Organization:

Yoruba communities have a hierarchical social structure which descends from the ruler--oba, who oversees the affairs of the polity; to the council of chiefs. The family units and individuals served as channels for the control of society. In Yoruba culture, the family unit is not autonomous of the larger community which includes the clans and other social and religious organizations. The smaller communities, such as villages establish different forms of socio-economic intercourse beyond the family structure, thus complexities begin to arise, necessitating the need for offence and defense, conflict resolution, exchange of agricultural groups and celebration of traditional festivals. Large or small, the concept of state involved the designation of authority in individuals or groups outside the purview of the family unit for the common interest of the community (Olaogun, 1996: 58). Since the power trickled down from the top to the bottom, it is then pertinent to start discussing the Yoruba socio-political organization from the top down--starting with the institution of Obaship.

2.1.8.1 Yoruba Obaship: Some Yoruba also call their ruler owa, especially the Ekiti group. Yoruba tradition regards the Oba as the representative of God on earth. He is regarded as having power over life and death. The perception of Obaship as a symbol of authority and cohesion is still very much held today, and one continues to wonder how it has survived colonialism and infiltration of other cultures. The Oba is regarded as divine, and hence is considered as both the political and spiritual leader of his people. He intercedes between the metaphysical world of the ancestor and the physical world of the living. If a Yoruba Oba appears in the public, he is rarely recognized because he is clothed in voluminous spreading gowns and wears a conical beaded crown, he is majestic and gorgeous looking. He wears ade, crown which stands him out of any members of the community. Only the Oba wears ade in Yorubaland. The Oba is responsible for the well being of all the inhabitants of his kingdom. Hence the Yoruba have a saying, Oba to je ti ilu toro, oruko re ko ni pare, oba to je, ti ilu tuka, oruko re ko ni pare (meaning, an Oba whose rulership is peaceful and prosperous, his name will never be forgotten in history, and if otherwise, people would always remember him for atrocities).

Theoretically, an Oba has the final say on all matters, however, practically speaking, he must yield to the advice of his council of chiefs, made up of people from the royal lineage and those given an honorary title. Such lineages include the afobajes (king makers) and other traditional title holders who play political, social and religious roles in the kingdom. The chiefs usually meet with those in their jurisdiction, usually their clan members and residents, from time to time. The chiefs let the Oba know the wishes of the people before decisions are taken. The females are represented by Iyalode–usually a mature woman who has past child rearing age and is wealthy, as she has to avoid rigorous jobs and trading. There are other kinds of women chiefs, from those of hereditary titles to honorary ones. The Ogboni comprises of the aworo, balogun, the bashorun, iya agan and iyalode, who fix the dates of religious festivals, arrange for sacrifices, enforce sanctions and initiate adults into guilds and cults (Olaogun, 1996: 61).

Those villages that are tributary to a principal town, by paying isakole, are headed by the baale, the village head. The baale does not wear a crown, and the wife(ves) is/are not called olori (as the Oba’s wife(ves) is/are called), but iya.

2.1.8.2 The Family: In Yoruba socio-political institutions, the family is the most important group. For Yoruba the family includes parents, children, grandparents, uncles, cousins, brothers and sisters. All these constitute the "extended family". Being a member of a particular family in Yoruba demands much loyalty, responsibility and selflessness.

2.1.8.2.1 Nuclea